82 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. 
Satze stehend mochte ich den prapos. Inf. Exod. 435 [= my 437] auffassen 
. . . Da sich in der ae. Poesie Kein Beispiel fur die Verbindung von Hilfsverb 
mit prapos. Inf. findet, ist auch hier wohl nicht to gesecgenne als unmittelbar 
abhangig von cunnan zu betrachten.” The interpretation of Drs. Blackburn 
and Riggert is, of course, possible; but it does not seem probable to me in view 
of the fact that we have a second instance of to gescegenne after cunnan in 
Anglo-Saxon poetry (Rid. 37.13), and not a few clear examples of the inflected 
infinitive used predicatively with other auxiliaries in Anglo-Saxon prose.] 
Rid. 37.13: Du wast gif bu const to gesecganne, bset we sotS witan hu bsere 
wihte wise gonge. [In his edition of The Riddles of the Exeter Book , Professor 
Frederick Tupper, Jr., does not comment on the inflection of the infinitive here, 
but cites two analogous passages: And. 603 (Miht bu me gesecgan, bset ic sob 
wite) and Chr. 442 (bset bu sob wite). But Dr. Riggert, l. c., p. 70, and Mr. 
Wyatt, l. c., p. 95, consider to gesecganne the object of wast , not the complement 
of const , — an interpretation that seems to me quite doubtful.] 
dear(r), dare: 
Bened. 135.11: forbi ansetles wununge geceosab, baet hi gebwsere and eab- 
mode gebuhte syn and hi nan man gegremianne (sic!) dyrre = 0. [Cf. Farrar, 
l. c., p. 22, where attention is called to the absence of to, but no explanation 
is suggested for the inflection of the infinitive.] 
nagan: see agan above, 
sculan, owe, shall: 
Chron. 30*, 656 E d : ba wserb he swibe glsed, heot seonden . . . sefter alle ba 
be Gode luuedon, bset hi scoldon to him cumene (sic!). 
Somewhat akin to the predicative use of the infinitive with auxiliary verbs 
is the use of the infinitive in the following sentences, after cuman, ‘ come/ 
gehyrian, 1 be fitting/ and Syncan, 1 seem: ’ Chron. 177 m , 1052 E a : Da com hit 
to witenne bam eorlum ut to Sandwic; — Laws 483, Wilhelm I, c. l a : Gif 
Englisc man beclypab senigne Frsencisne mann to orneste ... for senigan 
bingan, be gebyrige ornest fore to beonne; — Wcerf. 179.9: Nu ic bus swibe 
behealde ba neahfaedras, be mid us wseron, maran 7 gebungenran manna dseda 
ic forlet, swa bset me Synced of gemynde beon Paulines wundor Nolane burge 
biscopes, se manige msen bara, be ic gemunde, segber ge on tida gegange ge eac 
on wundrum oferbeah = 216 C: Dum vicinis valde Patribus intento, majorum 
facta reliqueram, ita ut Paulini miraculum, Nolanae urbis episcopi, qui multos 
quorum memini virtute et tempore praecessit, memoriae defuisse videatur. 
In the following passages we seem to have an active infinitive used as the 
complement of the passive of gewunian, ‘ habituate one’s self: ’ Wcerf. 181.13: 
grene wyrta he is gewunod me to bringanne = 220 A 3 : herbas mihi ad prandium 
deferre consuevit; — Mlf. Horn. II. 358 b : baba se brobor wees gewunod to 
mcessigenne; — ib. II. 570 b : Ge be waeron geumnode to underfonne manna 
herunga for eowerum godum weorcum, farab etc. See, too, p. 73 above. 
Differentiation of the Two Infinitives. 
How shall we account for the instances in which we have an inflected infini¬ 
tive as the complement of an auxiliary verb? With all the strict auxiliaries 
except agan, the predicative infinitive is normally uninflected, and the straggling 
xamples of the inflected infinitive are clearly the exceptions that prove the 
