THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 
119 
Mlf. L. S. XXXI. 980: Da comon his geferan and fundon hine licgenne 
(sic!) on blodigum limum and tobeatenum lichaman. 
gereccan, direct: 
Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 76: god ... us gerecce ba weorc to begangenne be 
him licige (or final?). 
lasran, teach: 
Bede 100.28: bset he Cristes geoc bere 7 eow loere to beorenne = 83.1: quia 
iugum Christi et ipse portet, et uobis portandum offerat (or final?). — lb. 
226.27: he . . . heo Icerde to healdanne regollices liifes beodscipe = 173.11: dis¬ 
ciplinary, uitae regularis . . . custodiri docuit. — lb. 472.6: bara binga, be 
he odre Icerde to donne, he sylfa wses se wilsumesta fylgend 7 lsestend = 346.27: 
et eorum, quae agenda docebat, erat exsecutor deuotissimus (or final?). 
Bl. Horn. 131.32: To eow cymeb Halig frofre Gast, . . . se eow ealle bing 
leered to donne. 
taecan, teach: 
Boeth. 149.21: tcec me binne willan to wyreenne = 0 (or final?). 
Hept.: Pref. to Gen. 24.19: Crist . . . and his apostolas us tcehton aegber 
to healdenne. — Cf. Zeitlin, 1 1. c., p. 50. 
Of Verbs of Declaring only one word is found in this construction, foreseegan, 
foretell, predict, in Wcerf. 10.22: Hu Bonefatius forescede to sweltenne bone 
cimbalgliwere = 0; which is repeated on p. 61.20 = 192 C: 0. 
Once, in Luke 1.73, we have an inflected infinitive with accusative subject, 
and the infinitive phrase is in apposition to a noun: he alysde us of urum feon- 
dum . . ., mildheortnesse to wyreenne mid urum fsederum, and gemunan 
(sic!) his halegan cybnesse: hyne us to syllenne bone ab be he urum fseder Abra- 
hame swor = Sicut locutus est per os sanctorum . . . prophetarum ejus: 
salutem ex inimicis nostris ... ad faciendam misericordiam cum patribus 
nostris, et memorari testamenti sui sancti: jusjurandum quod juravit ad Abra¬ 
ham patrem nostrum, daturum se nobis. The inflected infinitive is evidently 
caused by the future of the Latin, daturum, and is used to denote futurity. 
Note. — Other Supposed Examples of the Inflected Infinitive Used Predicatively have been 
suggested. Matzner, l. c., Ill, p. 31, apparently would put here Pr. Ps. 34.13 {gebigde min 
mod to feestenne = humiliabam injejunio animam meam) and Mlf. Horn. I. 114* (<5aet se . . . 
God naenne mann ne neadaS to syngigenne ), but I have put both under the consecutive use. 
Stoffel, l. c., p. 53, thinks that in Mat. 17.4 (god ys us her to beonne = bonum est nos hie esse ) 
we have an accusative with a predicative inflected infinitive, but to me it seems more probable 
that its is a dative and that the infinitive is subjective: see Chapter I, p. 12 above; and cf. 
De Reul, l. c., pp. 136-137; Zeitlin, 1 l. c., p. 115. It may be that in Mat. 8.21 a we have an 
accusative with a predicative inflected infinitive after aliefan, but I believe that the pronoun 
is dative and that the infinitive is objective: see p. 46 above. 
Differentiation of the Two Infinitives. 
The foregoing statistics make clear that the predicative infinitive with 
accusative subject is normally uninflected in Anglo-Saxon. Of the possible 
examples of the inflected infinitive used predicatively above given, several, as 
there indicated, may be considered final rather than predicative in sense; 
several (after leer an) are in translation of a Latin gerund or gerundive; several 
occur after a verb (tcecan) denoting tendency, with which we should expect the 
