THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 
147 
In a series of co-ordinated final infinitives, each infinitive is, as noted by 
Professor Shearin, * 1 l. c., p. 30, usually preceded by to, though occasionally to 
appears only before the first infinitive, and the succeeding infinitive is unin¬ 
flected. A complete list of the final infinitive in a series is given in Note 1 at 
the end of the present chapter. In the four examples of the uninflected in¬ 
finitive following the inflected there cited, I believe the absence of inflection is 
largely due to the remoteness of the infinitive from its chief verb, for, although 
the examples are too few to demonstrate this, this is in keeping with what we 
have seen to be the influence of proximity and of separation in the subjective 
use of the infinitive. Once, however, as shown by Dr. Shearin, 1 l. c., p. 31, we 
have an alternation of uninflected with inflected infinitive that is probably 
due to a slavish following of the Latin 1 original, in Luke 1.76-79, in which 
the Anglo-Saxon has twice an uninflected infinitive for the Latin infinitive, and 
twice the inflected infinitive for the Latin gerundive. 
On p. 27 Dr. Shearin 1 declares: “ A separable adverbial prefix seems to 
have the effect of divorcing sellan from the following purpose idea enough to 
cause this to be expressed by the prepositional, not the simple, infinitive; e. g. 
ASH. ii. 244.12: eft swa gelice gelsehte senne calie . . . and sealde his gingrum of 
to suppenne sefter gereorde; L. S. ii. 142.264: sealde bam adligan of to supenne. 
The same effect is seen after the passive; e. g. Lch. i. 370.15: eft webe 2 hundes 
heafod and his lifer gesoden and geseald to etanne . . . gehseleb; as well as when 
the infinitive precedes sellan; e. g. 0. 108.28: and hit on mete cbbe on drynce 
to gebicgenne gesellan.” Personally, however, I believe the inflected infinitive 
is, in each of these cases, to be accounted for by the general principles laid down 
above rather than on the special grounds suggested by Dr. Shearin; at any 
rate, my statistics show that we have, also, the uninflected infinitive when the 
infinitive precedes sellan and when it follows it at an appreciable distance. 
Substantially the same differentiation between the uninflected infinitive of 
purpose and the inflected infinitive of purpose is found in the other Germanic 
languages: see Chapter XVI. 
B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 
I have not found a clear example of the passive infinitive of purpose in 
Anglo-Saxon. 
For the final infinitive in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, 
section x. 
NOTES. 
1. The Final Infinitive in a Series. — Dr. Farrar, l. c., p. 16, cites only one example (Bede 
250.20, 21) of an inflected final infinitive’s being followed by an uninflected in a series, and 
Professor Shearin, 1 l. c., p. 30, cites only three: Bede 250.20, 21, quoted on p. 139 above; 
L. 1.72 a,b , on p. 143; and L. 9.2 s * b , on p. 139. To these examples, however, should be 
added Bede 376.6 s * b , quoted on p. 137, and JElfi L. S. XXXI. 917 a * quoted on p. 138. On 
the other hand, twice (in L. 1.76, 77, 79®* b , quoted on p. 138) we have an uninflected infini¬ 
tive succeeded by an inflected infinitive, owing no doubt to the influence of the Latin original, 
as suggested by Professor Shearin, 1 l. c., p. 31, though Dr. Kenyon, l. c., p. 2, is inclined to 
believe that the uninflected infinitive is here used, not because of the Latin infinitive, but be¬ 
cause it follows a verb of motion in Anglo-Saxon. In the following passages we have a 
series of inflected infinitives: Bede 2.3 a,b , 4 a,b ; 50.11 a,b ; 66.5 s * b ; 116.32 s * b,c ; 124.30, 31; 
172.17 a * b ; 272.25 s * b ; 372.11 a * b ; 438.14, 15; 454.9 s * b ; 480.29, 30; 486.8 s * b ; — Boeth. 19.22, 
1 Dr. Kenyon demurs: see Note 1 below. 
1 We&e should read wede: see Cockayne, l. c., I, 370.15. — M. C., Jr. 
