PREDICATE NOMINATIVE OF PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 
223 
In Anglo-Saxon poetry clear examples are seldom if ever found. In the 
following I give all the apparent examples that I have observed in the poems; 
but, as is evident, in most instances the participle hovers between the predica¬ 
tive use on the one hand and the attributive or the appositive on the other: — 
Maldon 65: com flowende flod setter ebban (or attributive?). 
Az. 144: heofonfuglas, ba be lacende geond lyft fara& (or appositive?). 
Met. XX. 216: Swa deb monnes saul hweole gelicost; hwserfeb ymbe hy 
selfe, . . . hwilum eft smeab ymb bone ecan God sceppend hire, scri&ende 
fcerd hweole gelicost, hwaerfb ymb hi selfe = no exact Latin equivalent, but the 
corresponding passage of the Latin Boethius (III, metre 9) has numerous ap¬ 
positive participles (or appositive?). 
Met. XXXI. 11: sume fotum twam foldan pebbab, sume fierfete; sume 
fleogende windaS under wolcnum = 138.5: Et liquido longi spatia aetheris 
enatet uolatu (or appositive?). 
Wids. 127: Ful oft of bam heape hwinende fleag giellende gar on grome beode 
(or attributive?). 
Wids. 135: Swa scri&ende gesceapum hweorfaS gleomen gumena geond 
grunda fela, bearfe secgab, boncword sprecab, etc. (or appositive?). 
Ps. 103.24: His is mycel sae 7 on gemserum wid: bser is unrim on ealra 
cwycra mycelra 7 msetra, ofer bsene msegene oft scipu scriSende scrinde fleotad 
= 103.26: Illic naves pertranseunt (or appositive?). 
Gen. 2557: Strudende fyr steapes 7 geapes swogende forswealh eall eador y 
bset on Sodoma byrig secgas ahton 7 on Gomorra (or appositive?). 
Beow. 2832: baet se widfloga wundum stille hreas on hrusan, hordserne neah, 
nalles sefter lyfte lacende hwearf middelnihtum, mabm-sehta wlonc ansyn ywde: 
ac he eorban gefeoll for bses hildefruman hondgeweorce (or appositive?). [Dr. 
K. Kohler, l. c., p. 70, considers the participle predicative.] 
In Early West Saxon, likewise, it is difficult, if not impossible, to find clear 
examples. A few examples occur in the Chronicle (265*, 1137 E d : Gif twa men 
ober breo coman ridend (sic!) to an tun; — 47*, 744 E: steorran foran swybe 
scotienda; — 244 ra , 1143 b * c : on bis ylcan geare waes swa mycel ebba . . . swa 
baet man ferde ridende 7 gangende ofer Tsemese), but only in the late MS. E 
(written from 1121 to 1154 *) and, with one exception, in the later entries 
(years) of that manuscript. Only one example have I found in Alfred, viz., 
in Greg. 415.21: Donne gseb Dine ut sceawian ba elbiodigan wif, bonne hwelces 
monnes mod forlset his segne tilunga, & sorgab ymb oberra monna wisan, be 
[him] nauht to ne limpb, & fcer& swa wandriende from his hade & of his ende- 
byrdnesse = 336.21: Dina quippe ut mulieres videat extraneae regionis egredi- 
tur, quando unaquaeque mens sua studia negligens, actiones alienas curans, 
extra habitum atque extra ordinem proprium vagatur. Here the complemen¬ 
tary participle translates a finite verb, but the participle in Anglo-Saxon is 
doubtless due to the influence of the two Latin appositive participles immedi¬ 
ately preceding vagatur. In Waerferth’s translation of Gregory’s Dialogues , 
also, one example occurs, 98.18: ba se halga man ferde bider fleonde, hine 
gemette sum munuc = B. 128 C: Quo dum fugiens pergeret, monachus quidam 
Romanus nomine, hunc euntem reperit, quo tenderet requisivit. 
1 Plummer, l. c., II, p. xxxv. 
