234 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 
anabiudip bi J>uk du f astcm puk = on rots dyyeA .019 avTov cvtcXcltgu Trc.pl crov tov 
&ia<t>v\d£ou arc; Mk. 14.55: ip pai auhumistans gudjans jah alia so gafaurds 
sokidedun ana Jesu weitwodipa du afdaupjan ina = ol 8e Kal oXov to 
trvvcSpiov cirjTovv Kara tov 'lr](rov p.apTvptav cl<i to OavarwcraL avTov. — Regardless of 
the question as to whether the infinitives in Gothic are final or objective in 
sense, it is instructive to note that the prepositional infinitive in Gothic corre¬ 
sponds in Greek in the one case to an articular infinitive in the genitive and 
in the other to a prepositional infinitive. 
In the Scandinavian languages, on the other hand, there is considerable 
interchange of the two infinitives in the objective use, the basis of which inter¬ 
change is thus stated by Professors Falk and Torp, l. c., p. 193: “ Oprindelig 
havde altsaa den rene infinitiv sin plads som subjekt, objekt og efter de modale 
hjelpeverber, infinitiv med at derimod hvor der betegnes en hensigt (‘ lsegge 
sig at sove ’), en henseende (‘ let at finde eller en n0dvendighed og mulighed 
(‘hvad er nu at gj0re’)- Allerede i seldste oldnorsk er imidlertid de to infiniti- 
ver paa mange maader sammenblandede, navnlig saaledes at formen med at 
har udbredt sig paa den rene infinitivs bekostning, f. eks. som subjekt og objekt. 
Heller ikke er dette underligt: betydningen af hensigt eller maal berprer sig 
paa mange maader med objektet, som jo betegner den gjenstand som handlingen 
er rettet mod eller gaar ud over; saaledes ser vi ogsaa i gotisk objekts-infinitiven 
undertiden optraede med du, som herfra ogsaa kan overfpres paa subjekts- 
infinitiv. Omvendt synes allerede i fsellesgermansk bevaegelsesverber at kunne 
bruges uden proposition (gotisk: qam giban, tysk: schlafen gehen).” See, 
further, Falk and Torp, l. c., pp. 196 ff.; Lund, l. c., pp. 358 ff.; Nygaard, l. c., 
pp. 221 ff. 
In Old High German, the situation is much like that in Anglo-Saxon. For 
instance, as object we find both the uninflected infinitive and the inflected 
infinitive after these verbs: suohhen, 1 seek;’ geron, 1 desire; ’ gibiotan, ‘ com¬ 
mand; ’ beginnan, 1 begin: ’ Tatian 202.11: suochit in offane wesan = quaerit 
in palam esse; 1 — ib. 83.6: thaz Herodis suochit then kneht zi forliosenne = ut 
Herodis quaerat puerum ad perdendum eum (or final?); 2 — ib. 130.5: suohtun 
inan in zi traganne inti zi sezenne furi then heilant = quaerebant eum inferre et 
ponere ante Jesum ; 2 —Tatian 316.8: her uuas iu geronti . . . inan gisehan = 
erat enim cupiens . . . videre eum; 3 — Ev. Matth. 7.5: gerotun za gasehanne 
enti za gahorrenne = cupierunt videre et audire ; 4 — Aug. serm. 35.20: gabiut mir 
queman = jube me venire ; 5 — Tatian 226.11: gibot uns zi steinonne = mandavit 
nobis lapidare ; 6 — ib. 196.34: gibot inan ther herro zi vorkoufanne inti sina 
quenun inti . . . inti vorgeltan = jussit eum dominus venundari et uxorem eius 
et . . . et reddi; 7 — Otfrid I, 2.7: thaz ih biginne redion, wio er bigonda bredi- 
gon; 8 Otfrid V, 13.25: bigonda swimmannes . 9 The interchange in infinitives 
is chiefly due, I believe, in Old High German, as in Anglo-Saxon, to the double 
regimen of the governing verbs: suohhen governs an accusative of the thing or 
of the person usually, but occasionally a genitive of the thing in Old High 
German and in Old Saxon; 10 geron, a genitive of the thing usually, but occasion- 
1 From Denecke, l. c., p. 17. 2 Ibidem, p. 63. 3 From Blatz, l. c., p. 549. 
4 Ibidem, p. 64. 8 Ibidem, p. 46. 6 Ibidem, p. 66. 
7 From Denecke, l. c., p. 65, who attributes the absence of inflection in the second infinitive to its separation 
from the first infinitive, but I should prefer to say because of its separation from the principal verb. 
8 From Erdmann, 1 0., 1. c., p. 203. 9 Ibidem, p. 204. 10 Delbriick, 2 l. c., p. 93. 
