OTHER SUBSTANTIVAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. 
237 
B. AS AN APPOSITXVE. 
In Gothic: II. Cor. 7.11: saihv auk silbo pata bi gup saurgan izwis hvelauda 
gatawida izwis usdaudein = iBov yap a vto tovto , to KaTci Oeov XvTnrjOfjvai v/xa s Trocryv 
KaT€ipyd(raTo vpuv cnrov&rjv ] 1 Mk. 2.9: Hvapar ist azetizo, du qipan pamma 
uslipin: afletanda pus frawaurhteis peinos, pau quipan: urreis etc. = ri Zo-tlv 
evKOTrdrepov, ei7reiv tw TrapaXvriKU), Apetovrai oroi at a/ta/mai, rj ebreiv' *Eyeipe, etc. 
In the Scandinavian languages: S. E. 32.1: helzt vill hann pat taka til at 
preyta drykkju viS einhvern mann; S. E. 75.5: hon haf<5i pess heit strengt at 
eiga pann einn mann. 2 
In Old High German: Otfrid IV, 17.29: sie sahun ungimacha, egeslicha 
sacha, druhtin iro bintan; 3 -— B. R. 39.7: hweo unsenfta racha intfianc zeke- 
rihtanne . . . indi deonoon = quam dificilem rein suscepit, regere . . . et ser- 
vire ; 4 * — Ev. Matth. 1.14: Hwedar ist gazelira za quedanne . . . odo za 
quhedanne f = Quid est facilius dicere . . . aut dicere f 5 
Again, the collection of examples is too small to warrant any confident 
deductions as to the origin of the infinitive as an appositive in the Germanic 
languages. 
C. AS THE OBJECT OF A PREPOSITION. 
It seems unnecessary to give illustrations here of the well known use of the 
infinitive as the object of various prepositions other than those representing the 
Anglo-Saxon to in the kindred Germanic languages, — a topic treated well in 
Grimm, in Erdmann, and in Denecke. 
IV. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. 
The predicative use of the uninflected infinitive with auxiliary verbs is so 
common in the Germanic languages other than Anglo-Saxon as not to call for 
illustration here. Of the inflected infinitive in this use I cite a few illustrations: — 
In Gothic: no instance of the prepositional infinitive is found with the 
auxiliaries, according to A. Kohler, 2 Z. c., p. 425. 
In Old Norse, according to Falk and Torp, Z. c., p. 197, both the uninflected 
infinitive and the prepositional occur with kunna, 1 can; ’ pora, ‘ dare; ’ purfa, 
1 need; ’ eiga , 1 own/ ‘ ought/ See, too, Delbriick, 3 Z. c. p. 355. 
In Old High German: — eigan: Denkm. lvi. 97: ci arstandanne eigun 
— resurgere habent; 6 — Otfrid V. 19.2: zi sorganne eigun wir bi thaz; 7 — seal: 
Otfrid III, 20.124: waz seal es avur thanne nu so zifragenne 8 (though Denecke, 
Z. c., p. 10, holds that the infinitive here does not depend on seal). 
In Old Saxon: — can: Hel. 2531: nio hie so uuido ni can te githenkeanne 
thegan an is muode. 9 
That the predicative use of the uninflected infinitive active with auxiliary 
verbs is native to the Germanic languages, as to Anglo-Saxon, is indisputable; 
1 From Kohler, 2 A., 1. c., p. 422. — Commenting on the difference between Mat. 9.5, in which we have the 
simple infinitive ( hvapar ist raihtis azetizo gipan) and Mk. 2.9, in which we have the prepositional infinitive, 
Gabelentz and Loebe, l. c., p. 202, declare: “ . . . scheint der Unterschied zu sein: ersteres heisst: was ist leichter, 
zu sagen . . ., letzeres: was ist leichter zu sagen. ...” 
2 From Nygaard, l. c., pp. 226 f. 3 From Erdmann, 1 O., 1. c., p. 199. 4 From Denecke, l. c., p. 59. 
6 Ibidem, p. 71. 6 From Denecke, l. c., p. 61. 7 From Erdmann. 1 O., 1. c., p. 212. 
8 Ibidem, p. 212. See, too, Delbriick, 3 l. c., p. 355. 
9 From Pratje, l. c., p. 73. See, too, Delbriick, 3 1. c., p. 355, who says that thurban, also, has the prep¬ 
ositional infinitive as its complement. 
