238 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 
this use of the inflected infinitive is sporadic except with eigan (agan ), concern¬ 
ing which see above, Chapter IV, pp. 80-82; and except with the several 
verbs named under Old Norse above. 
On the other hand, the passive infinitive with auxiliaries is almost unknown 
in the more original prose (only two examples occur in Otfrid x ), and in the prose 
translations usually renders a Latin passive infinitive. In a word, as in Anglo- 
Saxon, so in the Germanic languages the idiom is borrowed. See the references 
at the end of section i in this chapter. 
V. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF MOTION 
AND OF REST (EXCLUSIVE OF “ (W)UTON”). 
Of the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion, as in the Anglo-Saxon 
com . . . fleogan, I find no examples in Gothic or in Old Norse unless the follow¬ 
ing, quoted from Grimm, l. c., IV, pp. 107-109, be such: —- Gothic: Mk. 1.44: 
gagg puk ataugjan = vnaye, aeavrou Secjov ; Mat. 5.24: gagg gasibjon = vVaye, 
haWayrjOt ; J. 9.7: gagg pwahan= vrr aye vhf/at ; —Old Norse: Hym. 14.7: bap 
sio&a ganga= jussit coctum iri; Vol. 56.3: gengr vega; ib. 54.3: ferr vega; — 
ib. 55.1: kemr vega. 
Nor have I found any example in Old High German unless these quoted 
from Grimm, l. c., IV., p. 109, be such: 0. Ill, 24.25: ilti loufan; N. Cap. 361 a : 
ilton chomen. 
With a verb of rest we find the predicative infinitive in Notker’s translation 
of Capella 2 (782.9: stuont si sorgen) and in Otfrid. Concerning the latter 
Erdmann, 1 1. c., p. 203, speaks as follows: “ gistantan hat noch die Bedeutung: 
dastehen, indem der Inf. die aus dem ruhenden Zustande sich entwickelnde 
Tatigkeit angibt, in den Stellen: I, 9.23: gistuantun sie tho scouon; IV, 18.24: 
ih gistuant thin warten (dagegen stantan und irstantan mit zi und Inf., §§ 350- 
352),” to which he adds: “ dann bezeichnet es formelhaft den Anfang einer 
Handlung: I, 17.42: gistuant er thingon,” etc. 
According to Monsterberg-Miinckenau, l. c., p. 31, this infinitive is not 
found after verbs of motion in Hartmann, but instead we have the predicative 
present participle, already illustrated in Chapter XV, section i. But this 
infinitive is found after verbs of rest in Hartmann, in the following, I think, 
though the infinitive is considered final by Monsterberg-Miinckenau (p. 29): E. 
9699: als si frou Enite gesach dort sitzen weinen; G. 2279: da ich in da stende 
sach klagen. It seems, however, that in Middle High German, while the pres¬ 
ent participle was occasionally used, the preterite participle was used habitually, 
as in the following: Iw. 785: kom gegangen; Mar. 170.28: kom geflogen; Parz. 
16.23: kom gesigelt , 3 an idiom that, according to Grimm, l. c., IV, p. 9, is unknown 
in Old High German, but which, as is well known, is very common in New 
High German. 
After verbs of rest in New High German, of course, the predicative infin¬ 
itive is very common, as in blieb sitzen , stehen, etc.: see Grimm, l. c., IV, p. 10. 
But in Old Saxon we have the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion 
quite as in Anglo-Saxon, only not so many verbs are so used. According to Steig, 
1 Wilmanns, l. c., p. 165. 2 From Manthey, l. c., p. 39. Cf., too, Grimm, l. c., IV, p. 106. 
3 The examples are from Grimm, l. c., IV, pp. 9, 146. 
