PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF MOTION AND REST. 239 
Z. c., p. 342, we find human , ‘ come/ followed by gangan, ‘ go/ faran, ‘ go/ 
gifaran, ‘go/ suogan, ‘blow/ and uuallan, ‘boil/ giuuitan, ‘go/ followed by 
gangan, sithon, ‘journey/ and faran, ‘go;’ and siZ/ton followed by gangan. 
Typical examples are: Hel. 503: tho quam en uuif gangan; ib. 5796: thuo thar 
suogan quam engil thes alouualdon fan radure faran; — ib. 425: giuuitun im te 
Bethlehem si&on; — ib. 5783: sithodun idisi te them grabe gangan. 1 
I believe that the predicative use of the infinitive after verbs of motion in 
the Low Germanic languages was a native idiom, and sprang from an original 
final use, as explained above, Chapter XIV, pp. 194 ff.; and that the predica¬ 
tive use of the infinitive after verbs of rest was native to the High Germanic 
as well as to the Low 2 * Germanic languages, and that it, too, sprang from the 
final use. 
As in Anglo-Saxon, so in the other Germanic languages the predicative 
present participle was at times substituted for the predicative infinitive after 
verbs of motion and of rest: see Chapter XV, section i. 
VI. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH “(W)UTON.” 
The predicative infinitive with ( w)uton is found only in the Low Germanic 
languages, so far as I can discover. Three examples are found in the Heliand, 
according to Steig, l. c., 344: — 223: uuita kiasan im obrana niudsamna naman; 
228: uuita is thana fader fragon; 3995: uuita im uuonian mid, tholoian mit usson 
thiodne. In Grimm, l. c., IV, p. 98, footnote, a number of examples are given 
of the Mnl. weten: weten hem volghen! weten vechten! weten gaenl weten 
varen! etc. 
In the Low Germanic languages this predicative use possibly was native, 
and arose from an original final use. Compare what is said concerning the 
origin of this idiom in Anglo-Saxon, above, Chapter XIV, pp. 199 f. 
VII. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH “BEON ,, (“WESAN”). 
The predicative infinitive of necessity with the verb to be is not found in 
Gothic, according to Wilmanns, Z. c., p. 128. Nor, despite the statement of 
Dr. Karl Kohler, Z. c., p. 8, to this effect, does du saihvan seem analogous in 
Matthew 6.1: Atsaihvip armaion izwara ni taujan in andwairpja manne du 
Saihvan im = Ylpoa-e^erc ryv 8LKouo<rvvr]v vfjiojv fir] 7roteiv efiirpocrOev rcov avOpdiirwv rrpos 
to UeaUrjvai airrocg. 
But the idiom is common in Old Norse. Of it Messrs. Falk and Torp, Z. c., 
p. 206, speak as follows: “ Infinitiv fpies paa friere vis till verber i folgende tre 
tilfaelde: a. Til verberne ‘ vaere 7 og ‘ bli (vorde). 7 Ved ‘ vaere 7 betegnes enten 
en pligt, npdvendighed eller en mulighed (§ 122, 3): per er at pegja; hvat er at 
gera; nu er at segja; gnyr var at heyra; der var icke Korn at bekomme (P. Cl.); 
der var ikke et menneske at se; han er ikke (til) at sppge med. Merk: ok var par 
mikilli qsku af at moka, hvor vi an vender personligt udtryk. Ved ‘ vorde 
(bli) 7 betegnes en npdvendighed eller en sikker fremtidighed (= komme til at, 
1 From Steig, l. c., pp. 337-340. 
2 The views of Grimm, of Steig, and of Pratje concerning this idiom have been given in Chapter XIV, 
section v. 
