252 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 
infinitive. But, after impersonals, the native idiom is the dative with the infini¬ 
tive, the dative being demanded by the strong datival sense of these imperson¬ 
als; when these impersonals are followed by the accusative with the infinitive, 
it is due to the influence of the original Greek or Latin. After the personal 
verbs the dative with infinitive is likewise native, as with many of them is also 
the accusative with infinitive. The interchange between dative and accusative 
rests partly on the double regimen of the verbs, partly on the influence of the 
originals. Many scholars restrict the phrase “ dative with infinitive,” however, 
to the idiom after impersonals. 
After both impersonals and personals, at times the inflected infinitive is 
substituted for the uninflected infinitive by the strong datival force of the 
principal verb. 
X. THE FINAL INFINITIVE. 
1. With Verbs of Motion. 
The infinitive of purpose is commonly found after verbs of motion in the 
Germanic languages. 
The Gothic simple infinitive usually corresponds to a Greek simple infini¬ 
tive, but also to other idioms: L. 14.19: gagga kausjan pans = 7ropcvo^at 8o/a- 
ixao-ai avrd ; Mat. 5.24: jah gagg faurpis gasibjon bropr peinamma = koX vrraye, 
7rpd)Tov 8 iaWdyrjOi} Gagga,n and quiman are followed only by the simple infini¬ 
tive in Gothic. But a number of the verbs of motion are followed by both the 
simple infinitive and the prepositional infinitive, the latter usually in transla¬ 
tion of a Greek preposition + an infinitive, as in I. Thes. 3.5: insandida du 
ufkunnan galaubein izwara = hrepuj/a ek to yvuvcu tyjv ttlo-tlv ifxow ; 1 2 or of a Greek 
articular infinitive in the genitive, as in Mk. 4.3: urrann sa saiands du saian 
fraiwa Seinamma = e^rjXOev 6 (nretpwv tov cnrelpaL . 3 
We find both infinitives after verbs of motion in the Scandinavian languages. 
Professors Falk and Torp, l. c., pp. 206-207, give examples of each and attempt 
to differentiate the two: “Infinitiv fpies paa friere vis til verber i folgende 
tre tilfselde: . . . b. Ved bevaegelsesverber til betegnelse af en hensigt: gengu 
menu at heyra tiSir; settast at hvilast; leggjast ni&r at sofna (= til svefns). Ofte 
uden at: gekk bera; koma rcena hana riki; OSinn ferr vi& ulf vega. Saaledes 
navnlig hvor infinitiven staar foran verbet: ganga at sofa — peir munu pa sofa, 
gang a; gekk at eiga konu — konu skal ek eiga ganga. Denne dobbelthed er ur- 
germansk: gotisk qemun saihwan — angelsaksisk hie comon (Sect lond to scea- 
wienne (gerundium).” With the foregoing compare the following statement 
by Lund, Z. c., p. 367: “ Navnemaden med at (sjseldnere og digterisk uden at) 
foj es til udsagnsord for at betegne hensigten af handlingen; ligeledes til tale- 
mader af lignende betydning. Det er fornemmelig bevaegelses-begreber, som 
dette gselder om, dog bruges ogsa andre pa samme made, ligesom udtryksmaden 
grsenser til de ovenfor omtalte (136, anm. 2) udsagnsord eiga , hafa , vera med 
navnemade.” The fact stated by Lund, that the simple infinitive occurs chiefly 
in the poetry, leads me to believe that, in Old Norse as in Anglo-Saxon, the 
occurrence of the simple infinitive does not depend upon the pre-position of 
1 From Kohler, 2 A., 1. c., p. 453, who gives numerous examples. See, too, Streitberg, 2 1. c., p. 213. 
2 From Kohler, 2 A., 1. c., p. 456. See, too, Gabelentz and Loebe, l. c., p. 251. 
8 From Kohler, 2 A., 1. c., p. 455. 
