254 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 
first suggested by the Greek infinitive after a preposition or by the Greek 
articular infinitive in the genitive; in Old High German, by the Latin gerund 
and gerundive constructions. 
2. With Verbs of Rest. 
In Gothic we have, once, the prepositional infinitive of purpose after sitan, 
in Mk. 10.46: sat faur wig du aihtron = eKaOrjTo irapa rrjv 6Bov 7r/3ocranw; 1 while 
in L. 18.35 both languages have a participle. 
Concerning the idiom in Old Norse we read in Falk and Torp, l. c., p. 207: 
“ Sporadisk findes i oldnorsk en hensigtens infinitiv ved hvileverber: Heimdallr 
sitr par at gceta bruarinnar; sml. gotisk sat faur wig du aihtron, tysk: was steht 
ihr horchen (saa stadig i hollandsk). Almindelig bruges dog her sideordning: 
eitt kveld er peir satu ok drukku,” etc. 
Clear cases of the final infinitive after verbs of rest are not numerous in Old 
High German. However, one example after sin was given above, p. 240; and the 
following is possibly an example: Tatian 228.4: Inti thanne ir stantet zi betonne = 
Et cum stabitis ad orandum . 2 But Tatian 95.9 (inti arstuont uf zi lesanne = sur- 
rexit legere 2 ) and Otfrid V, 20.26 ( irstantent , iro werk zi irgebanne 3 ) belong under 
verbs of motion. The infinitive after verbs of rest in Old High German and in 
Middle High German is usually predicative, not final: see pp. 238 f. above. 
I have not found a clear example of the final infinitive after verbs of rest in 
Old Saxon except once after uuesan , concerning which see above, p. 240. 
3. With Verbs of Offering and of Giving. 
Although Dr. A. Kohler, 2 l. c., pp. 435-436, considers the simple infinitive 
for eat and drink after give as objective in Gothic, but the infinitive with du 
as final, I consider both the infinitives as final. A few examples will suffice: 
Mat. 25.42: unte gredags was jan-ni gebup mis matjan = lirehao-a yap, Kal ovk eSw- 
Kare pot payeiv ; Mk. 15.23: jah gebun imma drigkan wein mip Smyrna = Kal iSi- 
Sow avrio 7 tl€lv icrpvpvLcrpevov olvov;—- L. 9.16: insaihvands du himina gapiupida 
ins jah gabrak jah gaf siponjam du fauralagjan pizai managein = Kal eSiSov tols 
paOrjTais avrov TrapaOeivai toj qxXqj ; J. 6.31: hlaif us himina gaf im du matjan 
= apTov Ik tov ovpavov e8c qkw avTois payziv) — J. 6.52: hvaiwa mag unsis leik giban 
du matjan ? = 6.53: 7rois Svvarai ovros rjptv rrjv crapKa iavrov SovvaL payeiv? Col. 
1.25: bi ragina gups, patei giban ist mis in izwis du usfulljan waurd gups 
= Kara rrjv oiKovopiav tov Oeov rrjv SoOe icrav pot els vpas TrXppCoo-aL to v Xoyov tov Oeov. 
As is apparent, in the preceding examples, the Gothic simple infinitive and the 
prepositional infinitive both correspond to a Greek final infinitive. But com¬ 
pare I Cor. 11.22: ibai auk gardins ni habaip du matjan jah drigkan ? = pr] yap 
otKias ovk e^ere els to eo-Qtetv Kal Triveiv, which seems to me to belong here, though 
Dr. A. Kohler, 2 Z. c., p. 460, thinks not. Compare, too, II Thes. 3.9: ak ei uns 
silbans du frisahtai gebeima du galeikon unsis = dAA’ Iva ea vtovs tvttov S&pev vpiv 
eU to pipeio-Qai fjpas (A. Kohler, 2 Z. c., p. 462). 
For the Old Norse compare the following example, given by Falk and Torp, 
1 From Kohler, 2 A., 1. c., p. 457. 
3 From Erdmann, 1 O., 1. c., p. 212. 
2 From Denecke, l. c., p. 63. 
