ficance, and which was still maintained mainly for 
its social significance, and as offering an opportu¬ 
nity for trade (between two friendly tribes. The 
last day of the festival he was invited to attend, 
as the Eskimo wished him to see the dances 
for himself, and form his own opinion. On 
this occasion the Unalafclit chief made a remark¬ 
able speech, in which he summed up the native 
attitude toward the dance- The Eskimo is not 
given to public speaking, as is the Indian, and 
usually expresses himself in- the shortest pos¬ 
sible manner; but under the stress of strong- 
emotion even he becomes eloquent. 
“To stop the Eskimo singing and dancing,” he 
said, “was like cutting the tongue out of a bird- 
It was as natural for them to dance as it was 
for the white man to eat and sleep. They had 
danced long before the white men came, and 
would not know how to spend the long dark 
winters if their only form of amusement was 
■taken away. 
“They did not dance for pleasure alone, but 
FOREST AND STREAM 
If anything about them was bad they would stop 
them, but if not, they would never brook any 
interference again.” 
The old Unalit chief arose and explained that 
the dances also supplied the wants of the Es¬ 
kimo. The interchange of gifts at the festivals 
resulted in each tribe getting what they needed 
most. At the conclusion of the feast the sur¬ 
plus was distributed among the needy natives. 
He smote his breast as he sat down, declaring 
that his heart was good. 
At the conclusion of the feast I asked the 
old man for the masks which had been used in 
the dances. They are usually burned by the 
shaman after the ceremonies are over. I was 
much surprised the next day when the old fel¬ 
low appeared with the masks and the whole 
paraphernalia! of the dancers. The people were 
grateful, he said, for the assistance I had given 
them. I believe he got around the religious diffi 
culty by supplying an equal amount of wood for 
the sacrificial fire. I also was obliged to make 
525 
a child he must gain admittance by gifts to the 
people, and to the kazgi inua, the spirit which 
is master of the kazgi. In manhood he takes 
his seat on the inlak, or platform, according to 
his age and rank. Even in death he is represent¬ 
ed by a namesake in the kazgi, who feeds his 
shade and extols his virtues at the Feast to the 
Dead. 
The kazgi is usually built on a larger scale 
than the native home or inne, and, for conven¬ 
ience sake, is located near the center of the 
village. It has, as a rule, a winter and a sum¬ 
mer entrance, the former being used by the 
shamans and dancers, and the latter by the public. 
This arrangement, however, is only for con¬ 
venience, and guests and dancers mingle freely in 
the festivals. 
The arrangement of the kazgi is similar to 
that of the ordinary native house, with the ex¬ 
ception that the family quarters which mark 
the latter are absent. The fireplace in the center 
of the room, which is used in the sweat baths, 
to attract the game, so that their families might 
be fed. If they did not dance, the spirits (inua) 
who attended the feas't would be angry, and the 
animals would stay away. The shades of their 
ancestors would go hungry, since there would 
be no one to feed them at the festivals. Their 
own names would be forgotten if no namesake 
could sing their praises in the dance. 
“There was nothing bad about their dances; 
which made their hearts good toward each other, 
and tribe friendly with tribe. If tb“ dances were 
stopped, the ties between them would be broken, 
and the Eskimo would cease to be ‘strong.’ 
“They were as little children before the white 
men, who could see if their dances were good. 
Gathering in the Spoils. 
gifts to the other headmen, so that the kazgi 
inua —the spirit which sits in the posts and 
presides over the kazgi —might not be offended. 
THE KAZGI, OR DANCE-HOUSE. 
The kazgi (or kacim, as it is known among 
the Yukon Eskimo) is the communal house of 
the village. It is the club house, 'town hall, bath 
house, and dancing pavilion, all in one. Here, 
the unmarried men—termed kazgimiut, or kazgi 
people—make their home; here, tribal meetings 
are held; here, the men gather for the sweat 
bath; and here, strangers are entertained and 
the annual dances and festivals held. In short, 
the kazgi is the center of the Eskimo’s life. As 
tMemoir 45, Anthropological Series, 1914. Ottawa. 
is much wider and deeper. It is kept covered 
by the floor planks when not in use. In this 
chamber the spirits are supposed to sit and en- 
ioy the dances given in their honor, and offer¬ 
ings of meat and drink are placed here for them, 
or delivered to them through the cracks of the 
floor. 
The inlak. or bed platform, runs around the 
room on all four sides, at about 'the height of 
the shoulders. Entrance is made through the 
agveak, or tunnel, and the visitor pops up through 
the pitgyarak, or floor hole, in the center of 
the room, like an enlarged edition of a “jack- 
in-the-box.” Having safely emerged, it is cus¬ 
tomary to wai't until the headman assigns you. 
