one political idea was hatred of Prussia." His whole life was 
a protest against his early upbringing. The revolutionary 
movements of 1848 stirred him profoundly. They did not 
make him a revolutionary, but they helped him at first to be 
a " Liberal," a believer in popularly elected local governments, 
and a central executive controlled by a parliamentary system. 
But German Liberalism in the 'fifties was not opposed to the 
system of the modern Empire, then non-existent. It was 
opposed to the petty princes and the narrow-minded govern- 
ments of the separate states, and Treitschke became the 
foremost " intellectual," who championed the cause of a 
united Germany ; who asserted that before all else Germany 
must become one nation, strong, undivided, compact, under 
an all-powerful centralised government. And he saw that 
there was only one means of attaining this end. Prussia was 
already strong. Prussia had behind her a successful military 
history. He became known as the " apostle of Prussia." 
• It must be remembered he was a theorist who believed 
himself to be also an historian, though his range of reading 
was narrow — and his theory was that of the State. He was 
influenced most of all by Aristotle's " Politics " and " The 
Prince" of Machiavelli. The first taught him that the 
State was an end in itself, to which every citizen owed 
unfailing obedience and devotion. The second taught him 
that the State is set above ordinary law and morality ; that 
its success is the paramount consideration ; that no ordinary 
scruples must deter the ruler, whose business is to make the 
State strong. More and more it was the idea of the State 
as sheer power which grew upon Treitschke. Prussia was 
the one embodiment of power which he saw ready at hand. 
It was Prussia, then, that he welcomed as the saviour of 
Germany. 
By degrees his Liberalism, his belief in Parliamentary 
systems and the vote, his interest in the average man and 
the " individual," were swept overboard. He and the young 
Germans who were growing up around him became infatuated 
with the idea of a nation which was to be united, unique, 
pre-eminent, and dominant. The Franco-Prussian War 
seemed to be only the beginning of a glorious career of ascend- 
ancy, which derived especial glory from the fact that it was 
military. 
Happy the generation on whom a stern necessity enjoins a 
sublime political ideal, a great and simple and universally compre- 
hensible ideal, which lorces every other idea of the age into its service ! 
And such an ideal exists among us to-day — the unity of Germany ! 
Whoever fails to serve this ideal is not living the life of his nation. 
Our hfe is spent in camp. At any moment an order from the 
Commander-in-Chief may summon us to arms again. It is not for 
us to pursue the myriad glittering hopes of freedom which flutter 
through this age of revolution, to let our eyes be blinded by desire. 
He welcomes war because " over and over again has it 
been proved that it is only in war a people becomes in very 
deed a people." Warfare is therefore an " important function 
of the State." " It is to war that all the States we know of 
owe their existence." " Even among civilised nations war 
is still the only form of law-suit by which the claims of States 
can be asserted." War also promotes heroism and manliness, 
and is the best training school for the manly virtues. And 
he goes on to show that there is no law beyond itself to which 
the State can submit. In dealing with uncivilised nations 
" the necessity of employing intimidation is obvious." And 
similarly, " there never has been a State, and there never will 
be a State, which, in concluding a treaty, seriously intended 
to keep it for ever." 
There is no need to point any moral. Treitschke, let 
it be clearly understood, has stated the theory of government 
which the German nation accepts. Given that the State is 
the German State, then Germany can do no wrong. It may 
be patriotism to break treaties. It may be patriotism to 
massacre civilians. It is the supreme morality of the German 
citizen to serve a State which abjures morality. The position 
has, at least, the merit of being logical. If we read Treitschke 
at least we may know what it is that we are fighting. 
It is worth noting that whilst Treitschke attracted, 
Nietzsche frightened Germany. The devilry of the doctrine 
of sheer physical force was not evident when preached by a 
man who was so well disposed to the acceptable virtues. 
Treitschke proclaimed the glory of war, but only against the 
enemies of Germany. But Nietzsche, in effect, proclaimed 
that Germany was the enemy ; that the danger lay within. 
Treitschke exulted in the unique culture which Germany 
was creating for herself ; and he claimed to make smooth the 
way for the fine practice of religion and the free development 
of the Christian virtues.- Nietzsche denounced German 
culture, and poured scorn upon the pretensions of her scholars, 
the sentimentality and hypocrisy of her religionists, and the 
slavishness of the accepted codes of virtue. In attacking 
Richard Wagner he was attacking the idol of every 
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