May- 22, 1915. 
L A N D ■ A N D WATER. 
better for tli6 Allies, '' a win on points," that is scJ ciistresKing 
in the recent talk of peace. For the moment it has, perhaps, 
been suppressed. But it has not been killed, and nothing 
could be more dangerous — or, rather, fatal — to the future 
peace and welfare of Europe in general and this country i)i 
particular. This should be abundantly evident to all clear- 
thinking minds. " A win on points " is invariably followed 
by another contest when the loser has been " readied " again. 
It may be argued tliat the ways of the prize-ring are not 
those of the great nations of the world. There are already 
many, and presently their numbers will be increased, who 
place their confidence in the show of " sweet reasonableness ' 
that has of late marked the propagandist work cf Count 
Bernstorff and Herr Dernburg in America, and similar efforls 
by means of numerous articles and interviews now to be 
found in the German Press. These, perhaps sincere, but cer- 
tainly misguided, people profess to believe that a peace made 
in the immediate future would be a good, a just, and lasting 
peace, and will stigmatise as brutal and uncivilised any wish 
to beat to its knees a foe that is " prepared to meet a reason- 
able demand." 
Before saying anything of the danger that undoubtedly 
exists of these sentimentalist and opportunist views spreadiiig 
and increasing in power until they may actually threaten to 
rob the Allies, and indeed the whole civilised world, of the re- 
ward they should gain for the vast sacrifices they have made, 
and have yet to make, in this war, let us consider just one 
great and unanswerable reason against even listening to a'ly 
talk of peace until Germany has been decisively and completely 
beaten. There are m.any arguments against a premature 
peace, and all of them should be strongly impressed upon the 
minds of the public, but in this article it is only proposed to 
deal with one. It can be done in very few words. 
It is no longer necessary to spend time in pointing out 
how this war was long prepared by the Prussian n.-ilitarist 
party, and liow plainly a few years ago the very year, even 
the very month, for its outbreak was decided upon. Nor is it 
necesary to dilate upon the fact that the German Empire is 
working and fighting as one man with the Prussian militarists. 
Tlie prophets who foretold that the Saxons or the Bavarians 
would soon tire of sacrificing their blood and treasure for 
Prussia have been falsified. Those who put their faith in the 
German Socialists, even by revolution, putting an end to the 
war unless victory v/ere rapid and complete, have been de- 
ceived. There is not the slightest sign at jiresent of any 
breaking away from the Prussian dominance, ncr is there any 
sign even that if; for their own ends, the " directing " m.ilitary 
minds of Prussia can now secure an inconclusive peace the 
German nation as a whole, or any part« of it, would rise 
against the men who have cheated them with false hopes and 
hurl them from power. Everything, indeed, points to tho 
contrary and suggests that Germany would be as acquiescent 
in such a conclusion to the war as it has been in everything else 
offered to it by its " directing minds." 
And here lies the greatest danger of a premature peace. 
It is this which affords the most depresinsg thought v/hen 
one turns the mind towards the end of the war. So long as 
Germany is content to submit to the domination of the 
Prussian militarists, so lonsr as she continues to suffer her 
present form of government, the peace of Europe cannot be 
reasonably assured. No matter what terms of peace the Allies 
may eventually be able to impose, one thing they cannot do. 
It is impossible to impose upon a nation its form of govern- 
ment. This can be done with conquered and inferior nations 
as we have done it in the case of various coloured races. It 
can be done v.fith a conquered and vassal nation as Germany, 
Austria, and Ru.ssia have done it in the case of Poland. But 
it would surely be impos.sib'e in the case of Germany. Yet 
if after peace has been made Germany remains, as she is now, 
a military autocracy, that peace will be but a truce, a long 
one perhaps, but still a truce. The only cure for this is some 
democratic form of government for Germany. A democracy 
can never prepare a war in the sense that Germany has pre- 
pared this war. A democracy will fight, as this country and 
France are fighting now, but it can never prepare for long 
years and then say " In such and such a year wa shall be 
ready," and when that year comes draw the sword. There 
is not, and cannot be, in a democracy sufficient continuity of 
policy or administration for such an undertaking. Even con- 
tinuity in the policy of necessary preparation for defence is for 
a democracy a difficult matter to secure, as we have just seen 
both at home and in France. But with a military autocracy 
such as Germany's it is perfectly easy. Her Parliament is 
merely a glorified debating society upon which the " directing 
minds " can impose their will, and, while maintaining their 
continuous war policy, can keep the bulk of the people con- 
tented by not neglecting the country's trade and commerce 
and' material welfare jrenerallv, as certainlv thev have not 
been neglected liv Germany's autocrats. 
How, tlitn, can a reformed system of government be 
secured for Germany? Tlie only way seems to be by inflicting 
such a defeat upon her as will make the German people realise 
into what evils a military autocracy must plunge them at 
con.'tantly recurring intervals. Then they may themselves hn 
stirred to effect a change. But this will certainly net be dor.e 
while Germany is still waging war entirely upon the torrilory 
of her enemies. Not until tlie Fatherland itself is threatened 
is the German people likely to realise the truth. 
Here, then, is one compelling reascu which, whatever 
sacrifices it may entail, makes the crushing defeat cf Germany 
a stern necessity and no mere act of vindictiveness. 
But is there any real danger of this prem.ature and incon- 
clusive peace ? At present, it may be urged, all talk of it t? 
confined to America. Our own v^eak ones — even Mr. Shaw — ■ 
seem to have been silenced. They may be silent, but, un- 
happily, they still exist. There is, undoubtedly, a real danger. 
At a certain point in a great war neutral pressure has often 
helped to briug about what has been repugnant to one of the 
belligerents. The termination of the Ru.sso-Japanese War is 
considered by many to have been such a case. This neutral 
pressure may, indeed, need something to work upon. Can we 
be sure that it will not be found in our own country ? 
A chain is only as strong as its weakest link, and at 
present the Allies have not experienced the maximum strain 
that will be put upon them if this v/ar is to be pushed to the 
bitter and necessary fini.sh. Especially is this true of cur- 
selves. There are no very obvious signs here as yet of the 
})incli of war. One sees little evidence of reduction in luxury 
or other enforced sacrifices caused by the war. Those who ara 
suffering most, as yet, belong to the class that always suffers 
in silence as long as they suffer alone, but they are liable to 
add the weight of their influence to that of other sufferers who 
are not so patient of the pinch when it comes. " War money " 
is plentiful today with the working classes, and the well-to-do 
are not yet really hurt. But a people cannot spend 
£700,000,000 per annum on war without feeling the pinch, 
and feeling it very severely, sooner or later. Many as have 
already been killed and wounded, we have not yet suffered our 
severest losses in the field. It is foolish, therefore, to close 
one's eyes to the danger that the time may come when more 
and more will be inclined to listen to the voice of the tempt jr 
saying " You can put an end to it now." It is not too early 
to look forward to such a possibility. If the Allies v.'eaken in 
their present strong resolve, then all their sacrifices will have 
been in vain. This country must not prove the weak link in 
the chain, must not even show the slightest sign of bending, 
for even that might entail ruin. If, then, merely the appear- 
ance of readiness to sheathe our sword before our task is fully 
completed be a danger, as surely it will be, then to guard 
against it is only simple commonsense. This can best be done 
by keeping constantly before the minds of the people the un- 
answerable reasons for fighting on until our enemies are not 
only reduced but reformed. 
Owing to the exceptional importance of recent 
military events — which are fully analysed in this 
issue of Land and Water, it has been found ini- 
possihle, although extra pages have been added, 
to include all our usual features. Consequently 
the continuation of Mr. L. B. Desbled's articles on 
" The War by Air," and Mr. Douglas English's 
" Tales of the Untamed,'' will appear in our next 
issue. — Editor. 
OUR FRONTISPIECE. 
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Portraits, specially draivn for Land and Water 
by Joseph Simpson, R.B.A., may be had, price 
2s. 6d. each, on application to the Publisher, Land 
AND Water, Central House, Kingsway, London, 
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Previous portraits. General Joffre, General 
Foch. 
This week's. General Rennenkavipf. 
19* 
