LAND AND WATER 
November 13, 1915. 
FOREIGN OPINION. 
WE print below citations from the leading 
papers of Paris, so that our readers 
may realise the views that are held in 
France. It is our intention to give 
from week to week extracts from European 
journals of standing in order to afford a better 
comprehension of pubhc opinion in countries 
other than Britain. The Socialists' Manifesto. 
which was published in the Reitch of Petrograd, 
and is reproduced here, is a remarkable document : 
The German Mind. 
This view of the German mind as exemplified by 
German Professors comes from Lc Temps. 
The case of the German Professors is interesting. Ever 
since the dav of their precious manifesto they have stuck m 
their rut, and events on tlic Kastern and Western fronts liave 
tauglit them nothing. It seems as if tlie whole tribe had been 
militarised, so to speak, as if they were plavmg their part in 
the army's mobilisation, from sheer discipline and with no 
regard for facts. Thus men of great intellectual attainments 
will stoop to the vile task of convincing, or attempting to con- 
vince, a population which has suffered from the worst Gennan 
atrocities, of the beauty of the Teutonic ideal. These men 
should have acquired a sensiti\'eness forbidding them to insult 
the distress of their victims. Professor Luther, the inventor 
of asphy.Kiating gas, has no such scruples. He has actually 
gone to Warsaw to prove that, in spite of devastated countries, 
millions of dead and countless cities in ruins, he, and all cul- 
tured Germany with him, is convinced that the Imperial 
policy is the best in Europe, and that the salvation of the 
world depends on the triumph of German arms by any means, 
however barbarous. He announced his hatred of England 
and God's determination to punish the foes of Germany, and 
he produced a map retouched in the German manner, a map 
whereon the whole world had been Germanised. 
These German professors have dreamt of tyrannising over 
the whole of European culture, and they will not forego their 
dreams, although the Imperial armies are well-nigh exhausted, 
and Germany is now hated with a hatred which not a whole 
century of peace will make us forget. 
Question of Numbers. 
M. Maurice Barres writes as follows in the Echo dc 
Paris on the vital question of numbers : — 
I hear on the best authority, the authority of those in a 
position to see most of the game, that (ierman resources, so 
liljerally squandered at the beginning of the war, are beginning 
to fail. Our latest successes have brought us nearer to the 
time when Germany will not be able to maintain the strength 
of her armies. From such facts as these the Kaiser is flying 
to the consolation of his splendid — or at least splendacioiis — 
Eastern dreams. 
Will these dreams come true ? The Kaiser says so, he 
believes it. He is going East to find soldiers for his wasted 
regiments. Will he ever get there ? Possibly. Will he 
return ? That is another story. And meanwliile, to man 
this expedition, he is risking the breaking up of his army on 
three fronts. He will lose in France, in Russia, and the gate- 
way of Italy, and in the depths of Serbia better men, Germans 
though they be, than he will gain in the Turks with whom he 
hopes to replace them. 
* if * 
M. Jean i^ichepin in Vlntransigeantha.", the following 
on tlie same question : 
This war has no precedent in history, if we except the 
invasions of almost prehistoric days, when whole races would 
totally exterminate each other. In those days, and in ours, 
one factor, and one only, could decide the issue— the extent 
of the human material in hand. Therefore, at this hour the 
whole point on which the question will inevitably turn is 
the authentic number of effectives which Germany can still 
dispose of. Everything depends on it. Does Germany 
possess a sufficient number of effectives to complete the work 
which she has undertaken ? Our conclusions are based on 
(jerman information. They are the statistics of German 
wastage, as published in Germany. And, be it noted, this 
wastage is ridiculously underestimated. We know that 
Germany does not include in the number of her losses those 
men who die of wounds, nor the hopelessly infirm, nor the 
numbers incapable of further service, 
The average monthly wastage, estimated after this fa<;hion 
up to the fifteenth of October, is calculated at 300,000 men. It 
is safe to assume that this average will, in future, be exceeded 
Viecause of the inferiority of Germany's new effectives, and 
because of her opening-up of her third battle front in the 
East. 
If we accept M.Thery's figures in the European Economist, 
figures based on the rnanual of the German .^rmy, this army, 
when it was first mobilised, consisted of nine million men, in- 
including the whole of the Landsturm. And from this number, 
swollen by inefficients good only on paper, we deduct the number 
of losses, underestimated, as aforesaid in the familiar German 
manncr,we get the exact amount of human material which Ger- 
many can still command. Therefore, it follows that Germany's 
suppl}-, tiiough helped out by Turks and Bulgarians, miist 
dwindle, whereas our resources are practically endless, in- 
cluding, as they do, Serbians. Belgians, Italians, besides the 
men of the immense British Empire, and inexhaustible Russia ; 
that is to say, practically the whole of civilised humanity,' 
except a few insignificant neutrals, if such siiould still be left 
on the day of our certain victory. 
Position in the Balkans. 
M. Gustave Herve writes in Guerre Sociale : — 
General Joffre went first to Italy and then to England, 
and everybody knows that his mission was to con\-ince Cadorna 
and the Pmglish Ministry that a big effort was needed in the 
Balkans, which eifort would relieve him of the necessity of 
reducing his own army on the Western front. Not at all ! 
Let not the new Government imagine for a moment that 
Italian, Russian and English efforts will fre; us from doing our 
bit. 
We landed first at Salonika, and Sarrail went straight 
to Serbia. The whole world admired us for it, but let us not 
rest satisfied with that admiration. Let it not be said that 
we did what we did for formality's sake. Besides, our help is 
ridiculously inadequate. If it be limited to the 60,000 men 
mentioned in the papers of the Neutral Press, then we can do 
no more than guard the railway line to Salonika. We shall 
not have a man to spare to worry the Bulgarians who, having 
taken Uskub are now well on their way to Mitrovitza. We 
must send 150,000 men because to attack Bulgaria experienced 
men are wanted, men not possessed by England at present. 
In spite of our admiration for our Ally's armies we must 
not forget that only the first army which she sent to us last 
August could lay claim to much military experience. To stop 
Bulgaria's game we must have experienced men, the sort o'f 
men whom onh' we at present can supply. 
Russian Socialists' Manifesto. 
The following,' remarkable manifesto has appeared in 
the Reitch, one of the leading papers in Petrograd : 
We, the undersigned, belong to many sections of Socialism, 
and although we differ in many particulars, we all agree in 
this. A defeat for Russia by Germany would mean our defeat 
in the struggle for freedom. Let the whole country unite 
against the common danger. 
We make our appeal to all men who live by the sweat of 
their brow. Our country is invaded, and the enemy threatens 
Kief, Petrograd and Moscow, and never before have we had 
to fight so well-prepared and organised a foe. The situation 
may become desperate, unless the working men of Russia 
will make a supreme effort. If Russia should be crushed her 
defeat will result in intolerable suffering for the working man. 
After the Franco-Prussian war of 1870 the indemnity was paid 
mostly by the French working classes and the worst results of 
economic depression reacted on them. A Russian defeat 
would mean far worse than this. A modern war carries with 
it unparalleled expenses, and Russia is economically less 
sound than her Allies, not counting that her Provinces are 
further imjOTverished by invasion. Should Germany conquer 
she will claim an indemnity compared with which the sum 
paid in 1870, would be a trifle. 
Nor is this all. It is no secret that German Imperialism 
intends to realise its dreams of colonisation at our expense. 
Should Germany win, Russia will liecome a German colony, 
and our peasants, turned out of their villages, will find no 
foothold anywhere. In the West, (^.ermany's victory would 
mean the triumph of the old over the new, "because England, 
I'Vancc and Italy are far ahead of her in political development. 
Germany alone has no representative go\'eriiment. If we 
cherish our democratic ideals, we must fight for them, and our 
.\llies. Indifference means national suicide, ' 
iC 
