July 19, 1917 
LAND & WATER 
LAND & WATER 
OLD SERJEANTS' INN, LONDON, W.C 
Telephone HOLBORN 2828. 
THURSDAY, JULY 19. 1917 
CONTENTS 
The Fall of the Mark. By Louis Raemaekers 
In Germany. (Leader) 
Strategic Value of Stryj. By Hilaire Belloc 
Admiral Sims. By Henry Reuterdahl 
Dangers of a German Peace. By Albert Milhaud 
Organisation of Industry. By Jason 
Wilkes and Liberty. By J. C. Squire 
Afternoons on the Irish Coast. By W. T. Palmer 
Books to Read. By L. C. Oklershaw 
Making Aircraft. (Photograph) 
Domestic Economy 
Kit and Equipment 
PAGE 
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3 
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II 
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IM GERMANY 
THE downfall of Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg and 
the upstart of the almost unknown commoner Dr. 
Michaelis, is substantial evidence of the increasing 
strain of war that is being felt in Germany. What- 
ever else may be behind these two facts is obscure, but their 
object clearly is to end the war as quickly as may be, on 
Germany's terms. All the manoeuvring that went on at 
Berlin previous to the Kaiser resolving " with a heavy heart " 
to dismiss his most faithful servant, the " Scrap-of-paper " 
Chancellor, had this end in view. It has been reported that 
among the final causes for Bethmann-HoUweg's dismissal was 
that he had privately expressed the opinion that the war 
could only end in a draw. But as a distinguished French 
pubUcist, M. Albert Milhaud, points out on another page of 
this issue, " no glittering sophistry can disguise the manifest 
truth that a drawn war would be a German victory." It is 
a much greater victory, however, which the Crown Prince 
and Hindenburg still believe to be possible, provided they can 
only delude the German people a little longer. They 
evidently think that by submarines and air raids we may be 
driven to make an inconclusive peace. In this they com- 
pletely misjudge, as usual, the temper and the determination 
of the British people. The submarine menace can and will 
be defeated, while the value of their air raids, expressed in 
military terms, is insignificant. Our duty is to preserve a 
united front and an unshaken will : our answer will be more 
vigorous prosecution of the war. 
Reliable evidence is forthcoming from the Central Empires 
tlirough neutral countries, that the strain 'on the national 
life of Germany, Austria and Hungarj', becomes well-nigh 
intolerable. Had they been democracies, their endurance 
would probably have snapped by now, but being under 
despotisms and disciplined mercilessly, they have been, and 
will continue to be, compelled to bear the burdens imposed 
upon them by their rulers. But the rulers recognise a break- 
ing point is possible, even with the most subservient peoples, 
and the whole internal policy of Germany is directed towards 
staving off this rupture so long as it is humanly possible. 
Neutral observers, on whose reports credence may be placed, 
state that a new spirit of unrest and independence is abroad in 
Germany, and that the unquestioning reliance op the infallible 
wisdom of the Kaiser and his advisers is gradually becoming 
a thing of the past. Rehable evidence is also forth, 
coming that the Central Empires are on the eve of 
exhausting all their reserves of man-power and no 
longer have the means of making good their losses in the' 
field without seriously impairing the maintenance of their 
indispensable industrial output. This fully supports the 
figures which Mr. Belloc has given in these columns from 
time to time, and on which he writes again to-day, it being of 
course: Understood that this exhaustion of reserve power 
does not so far imply any actual weakening of the strength 
of the fighting line. 
In Hungary, the economic position is so serious that all 
Government officials are now granted a war bonus of 70 per 
cent, of their salaries to meet the extra cost of living, and 
in many institutions and businesses salaries have been 
doubled. Throughout Austria and Germany the necessities 
of existence become not only more expensive but rarer to 
procure, but Teuton thoroughness does not overlook a single 
opportunity of lessening the strain ; as an instance it may be 
mentioned that death-shrouds of linen have now been officially 
forbidden, they must be of paper, so the German citizen 
to-day goes to his grave en papillate as though he were a red 
mullet. Let it not be forgotten there are two sides to 
Teuton thoroughness, and while ration-tickets are issued 
by officials for every conceivable commodity, the enter- 
prising German civilian sets up forgery-factories for these 
tickets ; in Berlin alone from 20 to 30 establishments have 
been discovered, whose sole business was the forging of 
bread-tickets. 
These facts and statements all bear out the contention that 
the Central Empires are not only war-weary, but dread more 
and more the consequences of the protraction of the war. 
Beyond this they do not go. There is no reason to suppose 
that either Germany or Austro-Hungary have any imme- 
diate fear of starvation. Privations can be carried to a 
greater pitch before a condition of absolute distress is reached, 
and the armies in the field can be maintained in a state of 
efficiency for some time longer, without the lack of 
efficient reserves making itself too apparent, provided 
they fight on the defensive and from prepared positions. 
But if it were possible for the Allies to conduct offensive 
operations on a larger scale and more aggressively 
than hitherto, then these internal conditions of the 
Central Empires are bound to make themselves felt. From 
the very beginning of the war it has been stated by Germans 
. themselves, as well as by- those familiar with the history 
and social life of the German Empire for the last forty-five 
years, that Prussian militarism can only be broken by a 
decisive mihtary defeat on German soil. There can be no 
doubt of the absolute truth of this statement to-day. It is 
apparent that for the last yeaf the strategy of the German 
General Staff has been devoted to keeping the battle on foreign 
soil. As we pointed out a few weeks ago, a hysterical note 
in the complaints made of the now far-distant Russian raid 
into East Prussian territory is still, perceptible in German 
writings. British interest in the internal politics of Ger- 
many can only rightly be said to begin when British troops 
stand on German soil, be it this year or next. 
As we have already mentioned, the present rise to power 
of the Crown Prince is testimony that in certain sections of the 
German High Command confidence is still entertained in 
the capacity of the Teuton armies to hold the foreign territory 
or the greater part of the foreign territory which is still 
occupied by them, until the AUies will be forced by popular 
pressure at home to cry out for peace. It is the last chance 
of Pan-Germanism and of Prussian Autocracy which are 
inseparably linked together, and it would be foolish on our 
part either to exaggerate or to under-estimate the strength 
which the -very desperation of their foi;tunes will lend to ' 
their campaign. 
W^e are out to crush the evil despotism of the Hohen- 
zollerns, which can only be accomphshed by military^ methods. 
It must be established finally and for all time that the 
military power of civilisation in defence of liberty, justice and 
humanity, is more potent than the military power that seeks 
to enslave civilisation. " He that leadeth into captivity shall 
go into captivity : he that kUleth with the sword must be 
killed with the sword. Here is the patience and the faith of 
the saints." These words, assumed to refer to Nero, 
apply to-day with singular force to Wilhelm. It will have 
been noticed that the Kaiser conferred the Cross of the 
House of sHohonzellern on Herr Bethmann-Hollweg in 
order to soften his fall. Could there be a more fitting 
decoration for such a man ? For is not truly the Cross of the 
House of Hohenzellern the cross on which Belgium, Serbia 
and Armenia have been crucified ? 
