August 2, 1917 
LAND & WATER 
n 
The Problem of Poland 
By I. N. 
THE third year of the war has been marked by a 
significant development of the Poland problem. The 
beginning of that year found nearly all Poland in the 
hands of the enemy, and the question of the nation's 
future undecided. Russia, which before the war possessed 
the largest part of Poland and held it during the first year, had 
not taken any definite step in the matter. After the Grand 
Duke's proclamation of August 1914, which seemed to promise 
wider and more definite intentions, the old Russian Govern- 
ment set about reducing the problem to the position of a purely 
internal affair. When Russia had retreated from Poland 
the Central Powers decided to profit by Russian inactivity, 
but any definite action on their part was long prevented by 
diflereiices between Beriin and Vienna. While the Hapsburg 
Monarchy tried to obtain the annexation of the largest possible 
part of Russian Poland, Germany's aim was to bring the whole 
of the newly conquered Polish territory' under her direct 
control. For more than a year the Kingdom of Poland 
remained divided between two zones of military occupation, 
German and Austrian. 
At last, towards the end of the first quarter of the third 
year of war, Germany succeeded in bending Austria to her 
point of view, and on November 5th, 1916, a joint Austro- 
German proclamation was issued, establisliing a Polish State, 
as a constitutional, hereditary kingdom, on the occupied 
territory. The German and Austrian parts of Poland were 
not meant to be included in the new State, and its eastern 
frontier remained undefined. Such a solution of the Poland 
problem could not possibly satisfy the Poles, whose aim had 
always been the reunion of all the Polish lands. Neverthe- 
less It had one attraction ; the Central Powers were the first 
to recognise the sovereignty of the Polish State, the refusal 
of which had been the chief grievance of the Poles against 
Russia. By this the Central Powers hoped to draw the Poles 
to their side and even to raise a Polish army which would fight 
in this war under German command. 
The Poles, how ever, never trusted Germany, and saw in her 
the most dangerous enemy of their national cause. After the 
first favourable impression produced by the proclamation 
liad worn away, conflict developed between the Poles and 
the German authorities. Whereas the Germans expected 
the Poles to, be satisfied w ith the proclamation itself and to be 
ready to fight with them against the Allies, the Poles demanded 
the immediate organisation of the Polish State and the re- 
moval of the German authorities from the country. They 
postponed the formation of the Polish Army until the estab- 
lishment of an independent Polish Government. They 
argued that a Polish army without a Polish Government would 
not be a Polish army at all, but simply a part of the German 
Army. 
German Shams 
It is true that there were some enthusiasts for the immediate 
creation of a military force, but they enjoyed neither a ser- 
ious position nor great influence in the country. Some ele- 
ments, more or less responsible, agreed, under the patronage 
of the German authorities, to fonn a provisional government 
under the name of the Council of State, but they looked upon 
it rather as a compromise, necessary in order to diminish 
the power of the German authorities in the country' and thus 
to spare the population as much suffering as possible. The 
great majority of the Poles were opposed to that compromise 
and remained in a position hostile to German schemes. Their 
position proved correct, for the Council of State, after over 
half a year's existence, remained a sham government without 
authority, all power remaining in the hands of the German 
Governor. Little by little its more responsible members 
resigned ; those who remained represented a very small 
political minority, glad to occupy the position of a govern- 
ment even without real authority. 
A mortal blow was dealt at German schemes in Poland by 
the outbreak of revolution in Russia. Polish Socialists who 
considered it their main duty to fight against the old Russian 
regime and who had been the chief authors of the Polish 
Legion in the Austrian Army, now declared that they would not 
take up arms against the free Russian nation, on condition 
that Russia should not try to reconquer Poland. It must be 
borne in mind that the primary motive of the Polish minority, 
which sided with the Central Empires, was hostihty against 
Russia, based upon the conviction that Russia would never 
agree to the independence of Poland. Therefore the pro- 
clamation of the independence of Poland by the Russian 
Provisional Government, issued on the lOth of March, 
1917, robbed the Central Powers of their strongest argument 
with the Poles. 
With the disappearance of Russian danger for Poland, 
Germany lost what remaining influence she possessed over 
the national elements in the country. Everything that re- 
presents the strength of national aspirations has turned 
against her. Only those non-Polish elements which some- 
times pose as Poles and have the means of drawing weak 
men behind them, not caring for the future of the country 
and anxious to resume their interrupted business, work for 
an early peace, which would mean the German solution of 
the Poland problem. They have invented the definition, of 
Poland as a neutral country in this war ; through their co- 
religionists they have found strong support in Russia, and, 
which is even more curious, in the Western Allied countries. 
Poland at the present moment may be said to be in the 
camp of the Allies more truly than ever since the beginning, of 
the war. Among the masses in Poland under enemy occupa- 
tion, feeling against the Germans is growing to such an extent 
that fears are entertained of an outbreak against the Central 
Powers. Those political parties which from the first days 
of the occupation were hostile to Germany and Austria, have 
increased in strength. Certain parties, such as the P.plisli 
Socialists, which formerly sided with the Central Ppwers, 
are now changing their position. It is a very significant fact 
that the well known Socialist leader, Pilsudzki, chief organiser 
There is but one way to restore the peace of the 
world, and that is by overcoming the physical might 
of German Imperialism by force of arms. 
Mr. Laming. July 29th, 1917 
The immediate duty before us is not to discuss in 
detail what kind of terms of peace we would like 
when the war comes to an end, but to continue 
the war with all the strenuous vigour which we 
can command. 
Mr. Balfour. July 30th, 1917 
We shall never sheathe the sword which we have 
tiot lightly drawn until the military domination of 
Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed. ''»• . 
Mr. AsquHh. November 9th, 1^4 
and formerly commander of the Polish Legion in the Austrian 
Army, has lately been suspected of pro-Ally sympathies, 
and finally has been arrested for trying to cross the frontier 
with a false passport. 
In Russia, where from 500,000 to 700,000 Poles are in the 
army, a military congress of Poles took place in Petrograd, 
at which a resolution was passed by an overwhelming 
majority for the formation of a separate Polish Army and at 
which a desire to fight against the Central Powers was warmly 
expressed. The Congress elected an Executive Committee 
whose task it is to carry out these decisions. In spite of all 
the counteraction of the Russian Pacifists, the Committee, 
supported by the military powers, hopes to achieve its pur- 
pose. At the same time the Polish representatives in the other 
Allied countries, including America, are working for the 
organisation of the Polish Army on the Eastern front and for 
the recognition of Poland as a belligerent and an Ally possess- 
ing official representation. 
In German and Austrian Poland manifestations took place 
in May calling for the reunion of all three parts of the dis- 
membered country, and Polish representation in the Austrian 
Parliament declared the necessity of the reunion of all Polish 
lands with an outlet to the sea. This declaration, being con- 
trary to the German and Austrian policy, drew after it in 
the Austrian. Upper House an accusation of high treason 
against the Poles. 
The Poles understand that the independence of the Polish 
State, whatever its extent and its constitution might be, 
would be fictitious if German Poland with the mouth of the 
Vistula remained in Germany's possession. Poland then would 
have to depend on Germany for communication with the 
outer world, and, surrounded by German possessions to the 
iConclu'itd at' foot of following page) 
