I August 23, 1917 
LAND & WATER 
LAND & WATER 
OLD SERJEANTS' INN. LONDON, W.C. 
Telephone HOLBORN 2828. 
THURSDAY, AUGUST 23, 1917 
CONTENTS 
PAGE 
The Papal Crown. By Louis Raemaekers i 
Scenes from the Battle Area. (Photographs) 2 
The Pope and Peace. (Leader) 3 
The Paaschendaele Ridge. By Hilaire. Belloc 4 
Reforms in India. By Non-Official 8 
Campaigning in East Africa. By A Padre 9 
The A. P.M. By Centurion ii 
Ferment of Reconstruction. By L. P. Jacks I3 
Town Child and Country Child. By Anna de Barj? i.5 
On British Peaks. By William T. Palmer if> 
The W allet of Kai-Lung. By J. C. Squire i? 
Books to Read. By Lucian.Oldershaw i8 
M'ar Memorials. By Charles Marriott (Illustrated^ 19 
Domestic Economy ■ 22 
J<it and Equipment. 33 
THE POPE AND PEACE 
THE appeal which the Pope has addressed to the 
belligerent Powers in favour of an early peace, 
seems almost to have been drafted by a visitant 
from another world, who had passed over Europe 
on the wings of the morning and beheld the slaughter and 
agony as it exists at this "moment. All the events that led 
to this slaughter, the manner in which it has been intensified 
by Germany's ruthless war on neutrals and non-combatants, 
its inevitable recurrence were Europe to return to the status 
quo ante, seems to have been hidden from his eyes. He 
sees the present horror and appeals to all that is best in 
human nature that it may instantly cease. Would this were 
possible. It is not. The appeal itself is weakened in that 
it is not addressed to all the belligerents — Serbia, which has 
been treated with a cruelty hardly excelled in Belgium, is 
omitted ; there is no reference to Roumania ; obviously 
Turkey gives no weight to this pronouncement on religious 
grounds— Turkey who still holds in her hands the fate of 
Armenia's pitiful remnant, to say nothing ot the Christian 
communities scattered throughout the Levant and Palestine. 
The Alliance has to take these peoples into consideration ; 
they have to recognise that they have an equal right to 
be safeguarded in the future as, say, England or Germany, 
France or Austria. Were the German colonies to be 
restored, who is to save the subject races like the Herreros ot 
Soutli West Africa from the abominations which they 
have suffered in the past at Gerrfian hands. This is one 
aspect which renders the appeal futile so far as the Allied 
Powers are concerned. 
But another aspect and one of greater weight, is that the 
acceptance of peace at the present time by the Allies would 
involve defeat. The Alliance has to think not only of its 
cliildren, but of its children's children. Tfie Tablet, the 
leading Roman Catholic organ in England, writing on this 
subject, remarks : " Wliile in Rome the prospects of the 
struggle seems doubtful and uncertain, here the confidence 
in victory was never so high or so robust. And London 
is nearer to the West." And earlier in the same article it 
observes : " When the Allies insist on the necessity of 
crushing the forces of German militarism, they mean what 
the Pope means when he urges that the first thing to aim 
at is ' the substitution of the moral force of right over the 
material force of arms.' " The close analysis which Mr. 
Belloc contributes on this issue of the reasons why this war 
is a just one on the .Allies" side is very pertinent. 
Do what one will, one cannot free the mind from the thought 
that this ii])peal is the outcome of German influence, direct 
or indirect. The moment of its deliverance, its statements, 
omissions, and implications, its detachment from proved 
facts, seem to present overwhelming evidence of German 
bias. Mr. Richard Bagot, who has intimate knowledge 
of modern Rome, openly declares in a letter to the Times, 
that notwithstanding Britain is represented at the Vatican! 
the cause of the Allies never, receives fair consideration' 
within its walls. "No one." he writes, "who has had 
occasion to read between the lines in the so-called clerical 
newspapers and reviews published in Italy, since the begin- 
ning of the war, can honestly say that the constant and 
untiring representations of our Government, through its 
official mouthpiece, have any real effect at the Vatican." 
One is practically forced to this conclusion, on finding in the 
Papal appeal the phrase—" the true freedom and common 
enjoyment of the seas." Is not this the very voice of Jacob ? 
Do we not know now that what is meant solely by " freedom 
of the seas," is that the right of blockade, accepted and 
exercised by a Land Power," shall be denied to a Sea Power. 
As for " the common enjoyment of the seas"— the words fall 
on the ear with an ominous ring at the very moment when 
the merchant seamen of the civilised worid have at a public 
meeting practically decided to debar German seamen from 
the use of the seas in the future, except in their own ships, as 
punishment for their cold-blooded brutality in destroying 
life by drowning, thereby infringing the " first unwritten 
law of the sea. 
Since the Pope's appeal for peace was published, another 
document has appeared which destroys the last hope the 
Vatican could have entertained for its success. Peace, as we 
know, was to be based on guarantees to be given by the 
various belligerents. A right comprehension of the \'alue 
which Germany sets on such guarantees has existed in this 
country since August 1914, but in order that there should be 
no possible misconception on this point, Herr Bethmann- 
Hollweg told most frankly to Mr. Gerard, United States 
Minister in Beriin, what guarantees mean to the rulers of 
Germany. And this was only last January. As the subject 
is of first irtiportance, we mak'i no excuse for reproducing 
here, thanks to the courtesy of the Daily Telegraph, Mr. 
Gerard's exact words. Having read these astounding ad- 
missions, does it not appear foolishness on our part to talk 
of no annexations and no indemnities. We now learn what 
Germany is prepared to demand if the Allies enter into 
negotiations with her. Victory becomes more than ever' a 
first necessity for the peace of Europe in the face of these 
arrogant intentions of the German Chancellor : 
On several occasions when I asked tlie Chancellor whether 
Germany were willing to withdraw from Belgium he always said 
" Yes, but with guarantees." Finally, in January-, 1917, when 
he was again talking of peace, I said : 
" What are these peace terms to which you refer continuallv r 
Will you allow me to ask a few questions as to specific terms 
of peace ? First, are the Germans willing to withdraw from 
Belgium ? " 
The Chancellor answered, " Yes, but with guarantees." 
I said : " What are these guarantees ? " 
He replied : " We must possibly have the forts of Liege anc 
Namuf. We must have other forts arid garrisons throughout 
Belgium. We must have possession of the railroad lines. We 
must have possession of the ports and other means of com- 
munication. The Belgians will not be allowed to maintain an 
army, but we must be allowed to retain a large army in Belgium 
We must have commercial control of Belginm." 
I said : " I don't see that you have left much for the Belgians, 
excepting that King Albert will have the right to reside at' 
Brussels with a guard of honour." 
And the Chancellor answered : " We cannot allow Belgium 
to be an outpost (Vorwerk) of England." 
" 1 do not suppose the English on the other hand wish it to 
become an outpost of Germany," I returned, " especial Iv as 
Tirpitz said the coast of Flanders should be retained in ordei 
to make war on England and America." 
I then asked : " How about Northern France ? " 
" We are willing to leave Northern Frandfe," the Chancellor 
responded. " but there must be a rectification of the frontier." 
" How about the Eastern frontier ? " I asked him. 
" We must have a very substantial rectification of oui 
frontier." 
" How about Roumania ? " 
"We shall leave Bulgaria to deal with Roumania." 
" How about Serbia ? " 
" A very small Serbia may be allowed to exist, but that question 
is for Austria. Austria must be left to do what she wishes to 
Italy, and we must have indemnities from all the countries 
and all our ships and colonies back." 
• ♦ * * * 
Of course " rectification of the frontier " is a polite term for 
" siunexation." 
