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September 12, 1918 
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THE LINE OF COMMUNICATION BETWEEN JAPAN AND THE WEST 
churia, such as the Chinese Eastern Railway. Therefore, 
Japan has decided to get Clxinese troops to patrol all this 
region in case of intervention in Russia. Japanese troops 
would go in over the Chinese Eastern line and also over the 
Amur Railway ; but, so far as is possible, Chinese troops 
would be used in Manchuria." 
• Examined after more than five months have passed since 
they were uttered, do not these words throw light on the 
nature of some of the trials Japan has been forced to meet, 
and do' they not reflect something of the intelligent spirit in 
which she has met them ? 
Such was the situation early in May last, when I left the 
Far East. Later, fhe sudden appearance of a Czecho-Slovak 
army shedding its blood for the Allied cause on Russian soil, 
against newly armed Austro-Germans from the war prisons, 
changed the aspect of affairs. It convinced President 
Wilson that the time had come to act, and the United 
States made the proposal for intervention, which Japan has 
accepted. ^ 
Until a few days ago the main Czecho-Slovak force in 
conflict with the Austro-Germans and Bolsheviki in the" 
interior of Russia was in the position of a party of miners 
which had been cut off from the mine entrance by a fall of 
rock. Between it and the Allies outside was the barrier of 
hostile Bolsheviki. But now the Allies have cut through the 
barrier a hole at least large enough for breathing and for 
the passage in of supplies. A subsequent undertaking may 
be to help the Russians to establish a sound government at 
Moscow. 
The main Czecho-Slovak force numbers from 6o,ooo to 
110,000 men, including some friendly Russians — perhaps as 
many as 20,000. These Russians are Cossacks, considered 
good soldiers, and peasants olthe Volga region, not so reliable. 
The Social Revolutionists, now governing the city of Omsk, 
are also friendly to the Czechs. The Social Revolutionists 
long ago declared Siberia autonomous, with Omsk as its 
capital. They were driven out of Omsk by the followers of 
Lenin and Trotsky, but it seems that the/ have won it back. 
The Social Revolutionists are now also nominally governing 
Vladivostok, but the pow:er which maintains them is the 
forces of Czecho-Slovaks and Allies. (Archangel, by the 
way, in the far north of Russia, is also under the regime of 
the Social Revolutionists, whose programme seems to be 
the choice of the Russian people wherever they are liberated 
from the Bolsheviki). The Bolsheviki claim that they have 
ousted the Czechs from Samara and the neighbouring Volga 
region seems unfounded. 
The Allied expedition is, of course, commanded by a 
Japanese officer, and is composed of several thousand 
-Japanese, Americans, British, and French. Some Chinese 
also are co-operating. The Allies are advancing along two 
lines, roughly parallel — that is, over the main railroad from 
Vladivostok to the Russian interior, and over the side line 
which goes north from near Vladivostok to Habarovsk, and 
then swings 'and runs parallel to the main road until it loops 
down to join it at Karimskaya, some 200 miles into Siberia 
from Manchuria. From that point, west, there is the one 
line to Irkutsk and beyond. 
The Japanese have taken Nikolaevsk, near the mouth of 
the Amur River, in the north, and indicated by a circle on 
the accompanying map, and have also taken Habarovsk, 
iijdicated by a cross on the map. But this Amur region 
is still a Bolsheviki stronghold. P' 
The main line of communication is now held by the Allies, 
however, from Vladivostok to the Volga. 
Like every other factor in the situation, the size of the 
combined army of released German and Austrian prisoners 
and of Bolsheviki is hard to estimate closely. It may be 
between 50,000 and 100,000. These men are probably com- 
manded in the main by German and Austrian officers liberated 
from Russia's war prisons, and they are not to be despised 
as a fighting power. 
The Allied force, then, under its present tentative size 
limit, might seem to be inadequate to the task before it. 
Many authorities believe that such is the case. Others con- 
tend that, with its superior organisation, it is more than 
a match for the larger army of Teutons and Bolsheviki, 
particularly as these observers predict that the sympathies 
of the non-combatant natives will be with the Allies. 
If, however, the expedition should be enlarged the rein- 
forcements would be mainly Japanese. Fifty tliousand men are 
all that would probably be required for some time from Japan 
to reinforce the expedition, but she would doubtless give 
ten times that number if so many were needed. 
The Allies can afford to take off their hats to Japan. The 
Entente may be thankful now that the Eastern Empire 
declined the suggestion to send troops to the Western front. 
They can be glad that she did not rush blindly into Siberia 
six or eight months ago, since she goes in more smoothly 
now for the fact that the Russians have remarked her restraint 
and have felt grateful for it. 
As for the future, Japan desires and confidently expects to 
see saved from the present chaos some sort of a "buffer 
Russian State between Japan and Germany," as Count 
Terauchi and Baron Goto expressed it to me. Her pre- 
ference as to the future form of Russia's government is un- 
doubtedly for a monarchy. 
But there is good reason to believe that a monarchy will 
never do long for 'Russia. The Russian Revolution has not 
been in vain. Old traditions have been broken. Seed has 
been sown. 
Is it not a mistake to advocate "a constitutional monarchy 
on the Enghsh plan" for Russia ? Russian character is not 
inclined to moderate measures : it leans to extremes. Russia 
will probably have flat democracy or she will have 
downright autocracy. And such an autocracy in Russia 
would mean a hard-and-fast alliance between Russia and 
Germany. 
Japan may be advised on this. The presence of her army 
in Siberia, advancing to liberate the oppressed Czecho- 
slovaks, in column with British and American troops, means, 
in a sense, that Japanese statesmanship of the liberal 
"Anglo-Saxon school" (as they say in japan) has won over 
that of the reactionary "Teutonic school." 
Although her public men would still prefer an autocracy 
in Russia, Japan is now well committed to the war against 
reaction and political meditevalism. Her soldiers are marching 
through Russia toward the setting sun, but, even though 
it be yet weak, the Rising Sun of a new day is beginning to 
warm the hearts of her people. 
