LAND&WATER 
5 Chancery Lane^ London^ fF.C.2. Tel. H,lb*rm%i% 
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1918 
Contents 
page 
Full Speed Ahead. (Cartoon.).. 
Raemaekers 
I 
Current Events ' 
2 
The Attack on Strength . . 
Hilaire Belloc 
3 
Surrender the Submarines 
Arthur Pollen 
6 
Flying Sailor^ 
Herman Whitaker 
8 
The Gallipoli Campaign . . ' . . 
Henrv Morgenthau 
10 
Our Arabian Allies 
C.X A. H. 
12 
A Revival of Paganism . . 
M. A. Czaplicka 
14 
Dickens's Friends 
J. C. Squire 
15 
The Theatre : The Female Hun . . 
W. J. Turner 
16 
The Reader's Diary 
Peter Bell 
18 
Debt Redemption 
Hartley Withers 
20 
Household Notes 
- 
22 
Notes on Kit 
24 
Germany and Our Terms 
THE Germans have accepted President Wilson's 
fourteen points and agreed to evacuate the 
occupied territories. It is a tremendous advance 
but it does not yet take us the M(liole way, and 
— as was made clear in the most remarkable and 
powerful American reply published here on Tuesday — the 
Germans will have to agree to a good deal more than this 
before we shall concede an armistice. Discussion is obscured 
if we begin in the middle ; the whole object of the Germans, 
and the unintentional result of a good deal of newspaper 
corhment here is to switch our attention off the grand objects 
of the war. People start leading articles with questions 
as to whether or not it is essential that the Germans should 
evacuate Alsace-Lorraine, and whether or not the armistice 
should be coupled with the occupation of German frontier 
towns. This is not the way to approach the subject. The 
way to approach it is^ first, to decide — and duly to bear in 
mind— what it is we want, and, second, to formulate pre- 
cisely what steps, no less and no more' are necessary to 
secure what we want. What do we want ? The Times, 
endeavouring on Monday to formulate it, finds itself com- 
pellea to fall back upon Mr. Asquith's Guildhall speech : 
We shall not sheathe the sword, which we have not 
lightly drawn, until Belgium recovers in full measure all, 
and more than all, that she has sacrificed, until France is 
adequately secured against the menace of aggression, 
until the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe are 
placed upon an unassailable foundation, and until the 
^miUtary domination of Prussia is wholly and finally 
destroyed. 
This is a vague but comprehensive statement of the principles 
which will determine our peace terms. Mr. Wilson's fourteen 
points and his supplementary points covered the ground far 
more elaborately, and on them every specific demand we shall 
make will be based. That Germany has been forced to give 
a general assent to them is much ; but before we can agree 
to suspend our pummelling of her she must put us in a position 
to enforce our interpretation of those principles. And as we 
interpret them, Ss both Mr. Lloyd George and President 
Wilson interpret them, they imply that Alsace-Lorraine 
should be surrendered, that all occupied territories should 
be evacuated, that the outlying parts of Turkey should 
be lopped cff, that the Brest-Litovsk Treaty should be 
reversed, that Italy should have the Trentino and Rumania 
should have Transylvania, that Prussian Poland should be 
given to the independent State of Poland, that Bohemia 
should obtain independence, and that the Jugo-Slavs should 
should be left, free to determine their future. 
LAND 6? WATER October 17, 19l8 
Germany must Surrender 
All these things 'are implicit in Mr. Asquith's sentence 
and in President Wilson's elaborate points. We have to 
secure them. Germany, as yet, has shown no inclination 
whatever to concede them. If she is willing to, she has 
only to say so ; if she is not, it is perfectly evident that we 
cannot secure them — and we must addto them the indemnity 
for Belgium and whatever, other guarantees and penalties 
the Allies may think necessary — save by (i) beating her to 
a standstill, where she will surrender unconditionally, as the 
Bulgarians did, or (2) granting her an armistice on conditions 
so drastic that they are virtually equivalent to the imposition 
of unconditional surrender. An armistice which was a mere 
suspension of hostihties on the present front would be no 
use whatever. An armistice which left the Germans free 
to retire to the Rhine with their stores, there to reconstruct 
their defensive measures, and offer a compromise which 
might tempt a world sick of war, and unwilling to resume it, 
would be almost equally useless ; for it would probably 
lead to our foregoing our just terms, and would thus 
lead. to rnore bloodshed. It becomes clear that if the Ger- 
mans are allowed to retire on the German frontier they 
must surrender whatever arms, artillery, stores, and what- 
ever things further — from the cession of individual hostages 
to that of whole armies and key fortresses — the Allied com- 
manders, who are the only judges of the military situation, 
maj' deem necessary, "in other words, we cannot afford to 
grant an armistice save on conditions which would, by their 
very nature, make it certain (i) that the military power of 
Prussia,' for the time being, at any rate,' had totally dis- 
appeared, and (2) that we should be in a position to impose 
on the enemy the last deduction from those principles of jus- 
tice and security, which in the interests of individual peoples 
and of the whole future of the world order have been laid 
down by President Wilson and other Allied statesmen. In 
a sense, what we want is not unconditional surrender,' for it 
is surrender conditioned by — briefly — the "fourteen points." 
But in a practical sense,' it certainly is unconditional sur- 
render, for the German and Austrian Governments can have 
no voice at all in the settlement. 
Allied Progress 
Meanwhile part, at least, of the problem of evacuation 
is being Solved by the Alhed forces. Roulers, La F6re, Laon, 
the St. Gobain Forest, the Chemin des Dames, have all gone, 
and in Champagne the French have been hard on the heels 
of the retreating Germans. At any moment now we may 
find that they have been forced to leave the Flanders coast, 
and with all November before us the Americans may yet 
have great surprises in store on both sides of the Meuse. 
In the Balkans the Serbians have re-occupied Nish, which 
was for a time their capital, and the capture of which cuts 
the Constantinople Railway. The Gerinans maybe are 
retreating very efficiently and putting up — as, to do them 
justice, they have always- done — a very stiff fight as they 
go. But the Austrians seem to have nothing left in them. 
And the reason is simply that the Dual Empire, morally 
ajid materially, is at the last gasp. The population is starving, 
the army has lost heart, and (most important of all) the 
subject races, emboldened both by the Government's im- 
potence and also by its nominal acceptance of Wilson's 
terms, are manifesting a .daily increasing independence. 
They demonstrate in the Reichsrath ; they cannot be trusted 
in the front line trenches ; and they hold great mass meetings, 
categorically asking for independence, under the noses of 
the helpless authorities. Any day may see the convoca- 
tion "of Constituent AssembUes in both Bohemia and Jugo- 
slavia, and half the work of the Peace Congress done for it 
in advance. It is a just nemesis on the Hapsburgs whose 
endeavour to frustrate — this should never be forgotten — 
the movement towards Serbian unity precipitated (what- 
ever mav have been the ultimate causes) the war. 
