INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. cso 
for as long as the existence of the grave is recognized. The kava, on the other 
hand, at first offered daily, is later poured out at longer intervals till six 
months after death, from which time offering is made every six months. As 
we shall see shortly the graves are the scenes of the offerings of kava on 
many other occasions. (Vol. I, p. 314.) 
(Tikopia.) A man who asks a question chews betel and taking some of 
the chewed mass from his mouth he holds it out to the possessed man, saying 
“eat” and it is eaten by the possessed man, who is then ready to answer his 
questioner. (Vol. I, p. 322.) 
(Tikopia.) Betel mixture is used by the people largely and the areca nut 
(kaura) and betel leaf (pita) must be very plentiful. The lime, called kapia, 
is kept in simple undecorated gourds, and the elderly chief of the Taumako 
whom I saw on my visit prepared his betel mixture in a cylindrical vessel 
with a spatula, exactly in the same way as is done by elderly men in the 
Solomon Islands. It seemed quite clear that the kava which is used so exten- 
sively in ceremonial is never drunk. (Vol. I, p. 333.) 
(Tikopia.) Near the bowl (of sacrificial food) was placed some turmeric, 
scented water, areca nut, betel leaf, and lime. . . . The chief’s second son, 
Paetearikitonga, then made kava, which Paevatere took to the chief, who 
held it over his head twice with prayer and then poured it over one packet 
of food, a second bowl of kava being poured on the other packet. ‘The chief 
then pounded up betel leaf, areca nut, and lime and, after holding the mixture 
twice above his head with prayer, he placed it with the other offerings. 
fy oly, p.-337-) 
It is probable that this process of simplification (of relationship) would 
be assisted by later immigrant influence, and the nature of the systems of 
Ulawa, Saa, and Eddystone suggests that the influence of the betel people 
has been especially strong in these islands, and it is therefore significant 
that they possess the simplest of all the Melanesian systems I have recorded. 
. . . We should not expect that terms of relationship introduced by the betel 
people would have a wide distribution, and we have little evidence which 
allows us to ascribe such introduction on any large scale to this people. The 
terms, however, common to Ulawa and to Heuru in San Cristoval, and such 
a term as sasi, which seems to be spreading through Malaita, may have been 
derived from the betel people, and other of the Malaita terms, such as dz 
used for the cross-cousin, and /oma and bara used for relatives by marriage, 
may also have come from this source. We need, however, a far larger col- 
lection of systems from this part of Melanesia to enable us to distinguish 
such terms with certainty. All that can be said at present is that the avail- 
able evidence suggests that the betel people were not responsible for such 
fundamental changes in the social organization, and consequently in the 
systems of relationships, as seem to have followed the advent of the earlier 
immigrants, and such changes as they produced were probably in the direc- 
tion of simplification of a kind which did not involve the introduction of new 
terms. ‘There are, however, certain words which are possibly common to 
both kava and betel peoples; thus, fama has so wide a distribution (see pp. 
50, 115) as to suggest that itis such a word. Its presence in southern Melan- 
esia, Fiji, and Polynesia shows that it certainly formed part of the vocabulary 
of the kava people, butt is also present in Eddystone, and with elided initial 
letter in Ulawa, where the influence of the betel people has been especially 
pronounced. Probably both peoples used this term. Similarly, tina is used 
in Eddystone as well as in Polynesia, Fiji, and the matrilineal region of the 
Solomons, and here again the term may have been common to both cultures. 
A more doubtful word is iva, used for brothers and sisters-in-law. ‘This 
