CORRELATION OF MAYA AND CHRISTIAN CHRONOLOGY. 483> 
head, the three lists follow the same order for eight names. The ninth in figure 73 is 
Kupul, but the ninth in the Kaua and Mani series is Ah kinchy cobaa or Kinchil 
Coba. This latter is undoubtedly the Ah Kin Chi of figure 73, just to the right 
of Ah Napot Xiu, and beginning here again in a dextral circuit, the names in figure 
73 repeat the order in the Kaua and Mani series for the remaining five names. 
And as a final proof that the Kaua and Mani series were either copied directly 
from VII or vice versa, or that all three are copies of the same original, Gates has 
pointed out to the writer that it is Ah Kin Chi (Ah kinchy cobaa and Kinchil Coba 
in the Kaua and Mani series respectively) in all three who has an arrow piercing his 
head, and further, that Ah Kin Chi and Cit Couat Chumayel are the only two 
beardless heads of the thirteen in all three series. Indeed, whatever may be the 
interpretation of VII, it is obvious that all three of these series of heads are copies 
either of the same original or of one another. 
What then is the true explanation of this picture? Is it a representation of the 
Otzmal tragedy as claimed by Cogolludo and Stephens, or is it simply a katun-wheel 
from which the coefficients of the days Ahau have been omitted, the heads them- 
selves being the day-sign? Was Cogolludo deceived by his native informants, 
or were they themselves in ignorance of the true nature of this picture when they 
told him it represented the men slain at Otzmal? 
The writer inclines to the belief that it was a katun-wheel, for the following 
reasons: 
(1) There are exactly 13 heads in this picture, the same as the number of katuns in a 
katun-wheel. 
(2) Except for the omission of the 13 coefficients of the day Ahau, it resembles other 
known katun-wheels. 
(3) Cogolludo interprets the head with the arrow piercing it as indicating that Ah Kin 
Chi was spared to carry the tidings of the massacre to Mani, whereas the Xiu’s own version 
of the story indicates that Ah Ziyah Napuc Chi, probably the same individual, was also 
among those slain, and that the two who escaped were Nahau Veeh and Napot Covoh. 
(4) The dissimilarity in the number as well as in the names of the slain men, the Xiu 
record giving 5 and the picture in Cogolludo 12; and omitting Ah Napot Xiu and Ah Ziyah 
Napuc Chi, the remaining 3 names in the Xiu version bear no resemblance to any of the 
remaining II.names in the picture. 
But that the natives of Mani deliberately deceived Cogolludo, when he saw 
this painting about 1650, as Brinton suggests, appears more doubtful. The 
writer is more inclined to believe that even by the middle of the seventeenth century, 
so much of the ancient learning had been lost, that its real significance as repre- 
senting a katun-wheel was unknown; and the omission of the day-sign coefficients 
and the presence of Napot Xiu’s name were interpreted as indicating that it was a 
representation of the Otzmal massacre. Finally, by the time Stephens saw it, two 
centuries later, its true nature had been entirely forgotten, and the symbolic tree in 
the center had become the famous sapote-tree at Otzmal, under which the massacre 
is said to have taken place. 
Weighing all the evidence, it appears probable that this picture (VII) was 
possibly intended for a katun-wheel, but in some unaccountable way the coefficients 
of the day-signs Ahau were omitted, and instead, a number of names were attached 
to them, among others those of two of the men slain at Otzmal. 
If the sequence started with the katun to which Napot Xiu’s name 1s attached 
and the direction of reading is sinistral, then the last katun will be that to which 
Ah Kin Chi’s name is attached, and whose head is pierced by an arrow. On the 
assumption that this represents a katun-wheel, this arrow might be interpreted as 
indicating that the circuit of the katun-wheel had completed itself with this katun, 
and was about to start anew, 7. ¢., the uud katun, 
