822 
to betray or facrifice the interefts of their 
own country, without odium, fometimes 
even with popularity : gildmg with the 
appearance of a virtuous fenfe of obliga- 
tion, a commendable deference for public 
opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, 
the bafe or foolith compliances of ambi- 
tion, corruption, or infatuation. 
As the avenve to foreign influence in 
innumerable wavs, fuch attachments are 
particularly alarming to the truly enligh- 
tended and independent patriot. How 
many oppor‘unities do they afford to tam- 
per with domefiic factions, to praétife the 
arts of feduétion, to miflead public opi- 
-nion,to Influence or awe the Public Coun- 
iis! Such an attachment of a fmall or 
weak, towards a great and powerful, na- 
tion, dooms the former to be the fatellite 
of the latter. 
_ Again& the infiduous wiles of foreign 
influence (I conjure you to believe me, 
fellow-citizers) the tealoufy of a free peo- 
ple ought to be coniiantly awake; fince 
hiftory and experience prove thar foreign 
influence is one of the moft baneful foes 
of a Republican Government. But that 
jealoufy, to be ufeful, muft be impartial ; 
elfe it becomes the inftrument of the very 
influence to De avoided. inftead of a de- 
fence againft it.—Exceflive partiality for 
one naticn, and exceflive diflike of an- 
‘other, caufe thofe whom they aCtuate to 
fee danger only on one fide, and ferve to 
veil, and even fecond the arts of influence 
on the other. Reai patriots, who may re- 
fit the intrigues of the favourite, are lia- 
ble to become fufpeéted and odious ; while 
its tools and dupes ulurp the applaufe and 
confidence of the people, to furrender their 
interefts. 
The great rule of condu& for us, in 
regard to foreign nations, is, in extending 
our commercial relations, to have with 
them as little political connection as potii- 
ble. So far as we have already formed en- 
gagements, let them be fulfilled with per- 
tect good faith.—Here let us ftop. 
Europe has a fet of primary interefts, 
which to us have none, or a very remote 
relation. Hence fhe muft be engaged in 
frequent controverfies, the caufes of which 
are effentialiy foreign to our concerns. 
Hence, therefore, it muf be unwife in us 
to implieate ourfelves by artificial ties in 
the ordinary viciffitudes of her politics, or 
the ordinary combinations and collifions 
of her friendfhips or enmities. 
Our detached and diftant fituation in- 
vites and enables us to purfue a different 
Addr efs of Prefident Wafhington. 
courfe. If we remain one people, under 
an efficient government, the period is not 
far off when we may defy material in- 
jury from external annoyance; when we 
may take fuch an attitude as will caufe 
the neutrality we may at any time re- 
folve upon, to be fcrupuloufly refpected 5 
when belligerent nations, under the im- 
pofiibility of making acquifitions upon us, 
wiil not lightiy hazard the giving us pro- 
vocation ; when we may choofe peace or 
war, as our intereft, guided by juftice, 
fhall counfel. = - : 
Why forego the advantages of fo pecu- 
liar a fituation? Why quit our own to 
ftand upon foreign ground ? Why, by in- - 
terweaving our deftiny with that of any 
part of Europe, entangle our peace and 
.profperity in the toils of European am-- 
bition, rivalihip, intereft, humour, or 
caprice ? 
It is our true policy to fteer clear 6f 
permanent alliances with any portion of 
the foreign world; fo far, I mean, as we 
are now at liberty todo it: for let me not 
be underftood as capable of patronizing in- 
fidelity to exifting engagements. 1 hold 
the maxim no lefs applicable to public 
than to private affairs, that honefty is al- 
ways the beft policy. I repeat it, there- 
fore, let thofe engagements be obferved 
in their genuine fenfe. But, in my opi- 
nion, it is unneceflary and would be un- 
wife to extend them. 
Taking care always to keep ourfelves, 
by fuitable eftablifhments, on a refpectable 
defenfive pofture, we may fafely truft to 
temporary alliances for extraordinary emer- 
gencles. 
armony, liberal intercourfe with all 
nations, are recommended by poligy, hu- 
manity, and intereft. But even ovr com- 
mercia! policy fhould hold an equal and 
impartial hand; neither feeking nor grant- 
ing exclufive favours or preferences ; con- 
fulting the natural courfe of things 5 dif- 
fufing and diverfifying by gentle means 
the ftreams of commerce, but forcing 
nothing 3 eftablifhing, with powers fo 
difpofed, in order to give trade a ftable 
courfe,to define therights of our merchants, 
and to enable the Government to fupport 
them, conventional rules of intercourfe, the 
beft that prefent circumftances and mutual 
opinion will permit, but temporary, and lia- 
ble to be from time to time abanduned or 
‘varied, as experience and circumftances fhall 
diétate ; conftantly keeping in view, that it 
is folly in one nation to look for difin- 
terefted favours from another; that it muft 
Py; 
{Nori & 
Aig 
~ 
