166 
its utmof extent. Tt was not fyftema- 
tically declared, nor rigoroufly enforced 
by England—lIt was not zealoufly watched 
nor legally limited by the colonies. 
Jand derived increafed wealth and profpe- 
rity from the growing greatnefs of Ame- 
yica. America was protected by the 
ftrength of England, and felt pride in the 
participation ofher liberty. In thishappy 
ftate of mutual affe€tion, neither party 
harboured fuch diftruft as to prompt them 
to take fecurity for the authority of one 
or the privileges of the other. All thofe 
doubtful and dangerous queftions which 
relate to the boundaries of power~and 
freedom were forgotten, during this for- 
tunate connexion between obedient liberty 
and protecting authority. The parlia- 
ment of Great Britain, content with that 
ftream of wealth which indireéily flowed 
into the Exchequer through the channels 
of American commerce, had hitherto ei- 
ther doubted their right to tax America, 
or wifely forborn to exercife that unpro- 
fitable and perilous right. The {cheme 
‘of an American revenue had been fug- 
gefted to Sir Robert Walpole, but that 
cautious and pacific minifier declared, 
*¢ that he would leave it to bolder men.” 
—Men bolder, but not wifer, than Sir 
Robert were at length found to adopt it. 
The countfels which predominated at the 
beginning of the preferit reign were fa- 
-yourableto fuch plans. We donotaflirm, 
becaufe we do not believe, that any fcheme 
was then deliberately formed for the de- 
firuction of public liberty. But we rout 
leave it to hiftory to determine whether 
mealures were not purfued which might 
ead to that refule.. A Tyfem of taxing 
America by the Britifh parliament was 
avowed and acted upon.—A fiamp-duty 
was impofed on allthe colonies. Whe- 
ther this fyitem arofe from. the high prin- 
‘eiples of authority, for the firft time a- 
_ dopted under a prince of the houfe of 
Brunfwick,—or from a-conviction ef the 
juftice of equally appertioniig the burthens 
of the empire on all its members,——or from 
a defire to tame the mutinous and repub- 
lican fpirit of the American colonifts,— 
or from one of thole paltry intrigues 
and halty caprices which fo often decide 
the fate of empires ;—are queftions which 
we have no certain, and {carce any pro- 
bable, means of deciding.—Thofe who 
- have moft experience in political affairs 
are the moft incredulous with refpect to 
the generally received accounts of the caufes 
of great meafures. But whatever may 
have been the caufes of this unfortunate 
deviation from the found principles of 
Memoirs of George Wafhington. 
Eng-— 
.prefent. 
f March a; 
our ancient American policy, the effe&s 
foon became manifeft. The old affe€tionate 
confidence of the colonifts was changed 
into hoftile diftruft ; inftead of relying in 
the benevolence of a paternal government, 
they began to think of guarding them- 
felves againftan enemy. _ Thi intercourfe 
of jealous chicane fucceeded to that of ge- 
nerous friendfhip ; metaphyfical difcuffions 
with re{pect to the limits and foundation 
of fupreme power, which feldom difturb 
the quiet of a happy and well governed 
people, were for the firft time forced on the 
attention of the Americans by the indif- 
cretion of their governors. It is the pro- 
vince of hiftory to defcribe the policy of 
the Englifh government, its violence and 
its fluctuations, its impolitic encroach- 
ments and tardy conceffions; to ftate the 
principles of thofe parties into which the 
Englith public was divided on this fubject, 
the minifterial party who afferted the right 
and prudence of taxing America; the 
great body of the Oppofition,. who, with- 
out difputing the right, denied the pru- 
dence of exercifing it; and a few men of 
fpeculation, who queftioned even the right 
itfelf. The general hiftorian will aifo re- 
late the various circumftances which gra- 
dually made America almoft unanimous 
in her refiftance to the claims of Great 
Britain. Thefe are topics too extenfive 
and important for fuch a fketch as the 
Nothing, however, is more cer- | 
tain, than that the firft views of the 
American leaders were merely defenfive 3 
-and that they were far advanced in the refitt- 
ance before the idea of independence pre- 
fented itfelf to their minds. They did not 
feek feparation ; it was ebtruded on thera 
by the irrefiftible force of circumftances. 
After they had appealed to arms, it was 
extremely obvious, that their power muft 
be tottering as long as they acknowledged 
the lawfulnefs ef the power againft whom 
they were armed; that the ‘zeal of their 
partizans never could be vigorous till 
they had cut off all poffibility of retreat; 
and that no foreign ftate would be con- 
neéted with them, as long as they them- 
felves confeffed, that they had néither the 
right nor the power to enter into a legiti- 
mate and permanent alliance. All -the. 
paflions, which in violent times are almoft 
{ure to banifh moderate counfels, were at 
work in America. “Thede confequences 
always follow in the neceffary courfe of 
things, from the firtt impulfe-that throw a 
people into confufion; a moft awful con- 
fideration for goveraments who provoke @ 
nation to refittance, and for demagogues 
whe feduce them into rebellion. -Moft 
certainly, 
~ 
