1800] 
confufions of civil war had given a taint to 
the morality of the people *which rendered 
the reftraints of ajuft and vigorous govern- 
ment more indifpenfably neceflary. Con- 
fifcation and paper money, the two great- 
eft {chools of rapacity and difhonefty in the 
world, had widely ioread their poifon a- 
mong the Americans. One of their own 
writers tells. us, that the whole fyltem of 
paper money was a fyftem of public and 
private frauds. In this {tate of things, 
which threatened the diffolution of mora- 
lity and government, good men faw the 
neceffity of concentrating and invigorating 
the {upreme authority. Under the influ- 
ence of this conviction, a convention of 
delegates was aflembled at Philadelphia, 
which ftrengthened the bands of the Fe- 
deral Union, and beftowed on Congrefs 
thofe powers which were neceffary for the 
purpofes of good government. Wafhing- 
ton was the prefident of this convention, 
as he, in three years after, was elected 
prefident of the United States of America, 
under what was called ** The New Con- 
ftitution,”? thouch it ought to have been 
called a reform: of the republican govern-— 
ment, as that republican government it- 
felf was only a reform of the ancient coio- 
nial conftitution under the Britifh crown. 
None of thefe changes extended fo far as 
an attempt to new-model the whole focial 
and political fyftem. 
There is nothing more ftriking in the 
whole chara&ter of General Wafhington, 
and which diftinguifhes him more from 
other extraordinary men, than the circum- 
ftances which attended his promotion and 
retreat from office. Unfought elevation 
and cheerful retreat are almoft peculiar 
tohim. He eagerly courted privacy, and 
only fubmiited to exercife authority as a 
public duty. The promotions of many 
men are the triumph of ambition over vir- 
tue, The promotions, even of good men, 
have generally been eagerly fought by 
them from motives which were very much 
mixed. ‘The promotions of Wafhington 
alone,feem to have been victories gained by 
his confcience over his talte. His public 
virtue did not need the ambiguous aid of 
ambition to urge its a¢tivity. Wedo not 
affirm that all ambition is to be condemned; 
it is perhaps neceflary to ftimulate the 
flugsifhnefs of human virtue. Thole who 
avoid the public fervice from an epicurean 
love of pleafure and of eafe, from the fear 
of danger, from infenfibility to honeft 
cer es 
* See Ramfay’s American Revolwtion, 
vol. 2d, 
Memoirs of George Wafhington. 
169 
fame, are not fo much to be praifed for 
their exemption from ambition as to be 
de{pifed for bafer vices. But though it be. 
mean to be below ambition, it is a proof 
of unfpeakable greatnefs of mind to be 
above it. This elevation the mind of 
Wathington had reached; and unlefs we 
are greatly deceived, he will be found ta 
be a folitary example of fuch exalted mag- 
nanimitye To defpife what all other men 
purfue; to thew himfelf equal to the 
highett places without ever feeking any ; 
and to be as aétive and intrepid from pub- 
lic virtue alone, as others are under the 
influence of the moft reftlefs ambition ; 
thefe are the noble peculiarities of the cha- 
racter of Wafhington. 
Events occurred during his chief magifs 
tracy, which convulfed the whole poli- 
tical world, and which tried molt feverely 
his moderation and prudence, The French 
revolution took place, 
Both friends and enemies have agreed in 
ftating that Wafhington, from the begin=- 
ning of that revolution, had no great con- 
fidence in its beneficial operations He 
muit indeed have defired the abolition of 
defpotifin, but he is not to be called the 
enemy of liberty if he dreaded the fubfti- 
tution of a more oporefiive defpotifm. It 
is extremely probable that his wary and 
practical underftanding, inftru&ted by the 
experience of popular commotions, au- 
gured little good from the daring fpecula- 
tions of inexperienced vifionaries. The 
progrefs of the revolution was not adapted 
to cure his diftruft, and when, in che 
year 1793, France, then groaning undeg 
the moft intolerable and hideous tyranny, 
became engaged in war with almoft all the 
governments of the civilized world, it is 
{aid to havé been a matter of deliberation 
with the Prefident of the United States, 
whether the republican envoy, or the agent 
of the French princes fhould be received in 
America as the diplomatic reprefentative 
of France. But whatever might be his 
private feelings of repugnance and horror; 
his public conduét was influenced only by 
his public duties. Asa virtuous man he 
mutt have abhorred the fyftem of crimes 
which was eftablifhed in France. But as 
the fir magiftrate of the American Com- 
monwealth, he was bound only to confider 
how far the intereft and fafety of the people 
whom he governed, were affected by the 
conduct of France, He faw that it was 
wife and neceflary for America to preferve_ 
a good underitanding and a_ beneficial 
intercourfe with that-great country, in 
whatever manner, fhe was governed, as 
long as thy abfained from committing” 
injury 
