24 
of this quarrel, and of the meafure of 
conceilion, which may be'made with the 
greateft probabiii ty of putti ing an end to 
i. We are fure that we have your 
majefty’s heart along with us, when we 
declare in favour of mixing fomething 
conciliatory with our neues and aa 
rather they fhould yield to well afcer- 
tained, and well authenticated terms of 
Scone baeen: than that your majefty 
fhould owe the recovery of your domi- 
nions to their total wafte and deftruc- 
tion; or fuffer difficult queftions, lying 
é deep i in the vital principles of the Britith 
conftitution, to be folved by the coarfe 
barbarifm, and very unprincipled mili- 
tary conduét of German mercenaries. 
It isnot, fire, from a want of the mot 
inviolable duty to yaur majefty, not from 
a want of partial and pailionate revard to 
that part of your empire in which we 
vefide, and which we with to be fupreme, 
that we have hitherto withftood ail 
attempts to render the fupremacy of one 
part of your dominions, incenfiltent with 
the liberty and fafety-cf all the reff. 
The motives to our oppofition are found 
in thofe very fentiments which we are 
fuppofed to violate, for we are convinced, 
peyond a doubt, that a fyftem of depen: 
dence, which leaves no ‘fecurity to the 
peopie for any part of their freedom in- 
their own hands, cannot be eftablifhed 
im any member of the Bririfh empire, 
without Oe deitroying the 
freedom of thar very body, in favour of 
whofe boundlefs | | pretenfions fuch a 
fcheme is adopted. We know and feel 
that arb'trary power ever diftant regions 
is not within the competence, nor to be 
carried on agreeably to the forms, or 
confifently with ‘the fpirit of great 
popular affemblies. If fuch affemblies 
are called toa fare in the exercife of 
fuch power, in order to fcreen, under 
general participation, the guilt of def 
rate meafures, it tends only the more 
deeply to corrupt the deliberative charac- 
ter of thofe affemblies, by habituating 
them to blind obedience, by rendering 
them executive inftruments in defiens 
the bottom of which they cannot fathom, 
and ufing them to proceeding. upon 
grounds of faét, with which they can 
rarely be fufiiciently acquainted. To 
leave. any real freedom to parliament, 
much muft be left to the colonies. 
Military power 1s the only fubftitute for 
civil Irberty. That the eftablifhmont of 
fuch a power will exhauft our finances, 
though a certain effect, is the leaft of our 
apprehenfions. It will become an apt 
/ 
Interefting State Paper, relative 
ccenary troops, and fecured by ttanding 
[ July, 
inftrument of Seftroy1 ing our freedom. 
Great forces of armed men Kept up for 
the purpofe of trampling on the expre(s 
image of Engitth privileges, will come 
rather to hate the principles they oppreis, 
than to make diltinétions among thofe 
who adhere to it. All our troops, in 
the rovation of fervice, will pafs through 
this difcipline, and muft ‘contraét thele 
habits. We deprecatethe confequences- 
deprecate the effeét of the doc- 
trines which muft fupport and counte- 
mance the gee ment over: eles 
Engitfhmen, It will be impolbl e long 
to refit the powerful and equitable ar- 
gumcnis in favour of the freedom of 
thefe uni ey people, to be drawn from “ 
the principle of our own liberty. At-” 
tempts will be made, attempts have been 
made, to ridicule and to ar gue away this 
principle, and to inculcate into the minds 
of your people other maxims of govern- 
ment, ne other grounds of ' obedience 
than thofe which have prevailed at and ~ 
fince the glorious revolution. By degrees, 
thete doctrines, by being convenient, may 
grow prevalent; the confequence is not 
certain; but a general change of princi- 
ples rar ely happens among a people with- 
out leading tu a change of governinent. 
Sire, your throne cannot ftand fecure 
upon the principles of unconditional fub- 
miffiou, or paflive obedience, on powers 
ey oteued without the concurrence of the 
people to be governed, on aéts made in 
defiance of their prejud’ ces and vhabirs, 
on acquiefcence procured by foreign mer- 
So 
armies. Thefe may poffibly be the foun- 
dation of other thrones, they muft be the 
fubverfion of your's. 
It was not to paffive principles in our 
ancefiors that we owe the honour of ap- 
pearing before a fovereign, who cannot 
feel that he is a prince, without knowing 
that we ought to be free. The revolu- 
tion is a departure from the ancient courfe 
of the defcent of this monarchy. The 
people re-entered into their original 
rights, and it was not becaufe@ pofitive 
Jaw authorized the att, but becaufe the 
freedom and fafety of the fubjeét, the 
origin and caufe of all laws, required a 
proceeding paramount and fuperior to 
them. At that ever-memorable and in- 
ftructive period, the letter of the law was 
fuperfeded in favour of the fubftance of 
liberty. To the free choice, therefore, 
of the people, without either king or par- 
liament, we owe that happy eftablithment 
of which both king and parliament were 
regenerated, 
From 
