power is to be exercifed, there are thole, 
who (according to the. ancient opinions of 
nitions) have a right fuperior to his. Tt is 
therefore, only by fupporting the caufe of 
freedom, by ameliorating the political 
condition of the nation, that Bonaparte 
can’ render his authority permanent. Ve- 
nal fupport is at once delufive and preca- 
rious ; they who ferve for gain will ferve 
any matter. 
Admitting (for that is the only argument 
in favour of his late meafures),that the {tate 
~ of France requires at prefent a ftrong exe- 
cutive government, there are yet many in- 
ftances in which the freedom and happi- 
nefs of theepeople might be confulted, 
without interfering with the interelts or 
faiety of the government. At leaft, a 
good and equitable code of civil jurifpru- 
gence (that fir of national bleffings), 
raight be in(tituted' for them. Is the Firit 
Conful wholly ignorant of the manner in 
which juttice is adminitered in this coun- 
try and in America? The pomp and the 
expences of government might allo admit 
ofdiminution. If the ‘* trappings of roy- 
alty’’ are to decorate the Conful, why does 
he d-fer to ufurp the name? Another 
quettion alfo inevitably prefents’ itfelf— 
Ave the French nation wholly incapible 
of the reprefentative form of government 
—areno means to be deviled, if not for in- 
veling them at once with this invaluable 
francnife, at leaft, within a limited pericd? 
Are thereé no means to be contrived for 
reducing fuch an inftitution in France to 
the order. and regularity ofa Britith or 
American affembly? Dures the here of 
Marengo not face a free parliament; or, 
has he no means of influencing, in fome 
degree, its hoitile movements, without to- 
tally deftroying even the fhadow of liber- 
ty? 
The trath is, in his internalregulations, 
we difcern not that found policy, which 
direéted his military, and even fome of his 
political, arrangements. We cannot per- 
ceive that a permanent fenate can be lefs 
dangerous to his authority, than a legifla- 
ture periodically chofen, and liable to be 
melted, in a fhort time, into the mats of 
the people. We cannot difcover that a 
rigid police will afford more ample protec- 
tion and {ecurity, than the efteem and 
affections of a people. Perhaps, for the 
prefent, fome reftriétion on the licentiou(= 
nefs of the prefs may not be unneceflary ; 
but the Conful ought to recollect the re- 
mark of Hume, ‘* thatawhifper may cir- 
culate as rapidly as a pamphlet.” 
The lateft accounts from Fraace feem 
to juitify thefe {peculations, and the good 
“Montary Mac. No. 93. 
State of Public Affairs in OGtober, 1802. 
humour, at leaft, of the people, feems net, 
upon the increafe. Even the military may 
be lefs firmly attached than the Govern- 
ment may fuppofe; and, if they are dil-, 
fatisfied, as report ftates them to be, wiih 
the rewards of their valour, it fhould be 
remembered, that military bodies always 
aét in unifon, and their movemen{s in pa- 
litics, as in the field, are rapid and deci- 
five. A fecret council, itis faid, has been 
held at the Tuileries, to take into confi- 
deration the fate of public opinion, At 
this meeting, feveral memorials were read, 
but that which was molt attended to was 
the production of a man diftinguifhed dur- - 
ing the Revolution. This paper afferts as 
a principle, that the Revolution has intufed 
into the French people a reltlefs defire of 
change. -It proceeds to enquire into the 
{tare of parties. From the Royalifts and 
Anarchitts, the writer thinks, the Govern-. 
ment has litcle to fear; but it has every 
thing to dread from a mixed party, which 
is the more formidable, as it has not yet 
betrayed its views, and becaule its firength 
and rejources are fill entire. They hold 
a medium between Jacobinifm and Roy- 
alty ; they have agents and abettors every 
where, and particularly direct cheir atten- 
tion to the difcontented military. It was 
orlerved by another member of the coun- 
cil, that the ftate of public opinion was 
very alarming-—that reports of the mott 
ablurd kind were propagated concerning 
the views of the Government, and the per- 
fons who had acquired national property 
were peculiarly atheGted by thems . From 
this, he inferred, that a fcheme for the 
fubverfion of government was atually in 
exifieuce; and, as a remedy, he recom- 
mended a deportation, (o arranged as not to 
giveavioient fiiock to public opinion, but 
fo extenfive as to comprife: the moft a&ive 
individuals of each faction, The refult of 
this Council was an inftruction to the Se- 
nate to deliberate on the means of efta- 
blifhing anew mode of colonization, which 
will afford facilities of conveying away 
the difcontented. 
Such appears, from report, to be the 
actual itate of France; and we are fully 
of opinion, that the expedient fuggeited 
as above, or even the interference of the 
Government, in the ftate of Europe, will 
prove utterly abortive; and nothing can 
avert the ftorm that feems ready to break 
on Bonaparte, but the eltablifhment of a 
good and legal government. The generat 
indignation, indeed, which the interterence 
of the government, in the affairs of Switz, 
erland, is faid to hayeexcited in France is 
a proof that the Conful is not yet quite 
Yy delootic» 
