1$'08.] 
To the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States. 
Circumstances, fellow-citizens, which se- 
riously threatened the peace of our country, 
have made it a duty to convene you at an 
earlier period than usual. The love of peace 
so much cherished in the bosoms of our citi- 
zens, which has so long guided the proceed- 
ings of their public councils, and induced 
forbearance under so mally wrongs, may not 
insure our continuance in the quiet pursuits 
of industry. The many injuries and depre- 
dations committed on our commerce and na- 
vigation upon the high ses for years paft, 
the successive innovations on those principles 
of public law which have been established 
by the reason and usage of nations as the 
rule of their intercourse, and the umpire and 
security of their rights and peace, and all the 
circumstances which induced the extraordi- 
nary mission to London, are already known 
to you. The instructions given to our mi- 
nisters were framed in the sincerest spirit of 
amity and moderation. They accordingly 
proceeded, in conformity wherewith, to pro- 
pose arrangements which might embrace and 
settle all the points in difference between us; 
which might bring us to a mutual under- 
standing on our neutral and national rights, 
and provide for a commercial intercourse on 
conditions of some equality. After long and 
fruitless endeavours to effect the purposes of 
their mission, and to obtain arrangements 
within the limits of their instructions, they 
concluded to sign such as could be obtained, 
and to send them for confideration; candidly 
declaring to the other neyociators, at the 
same time, that they were acting against 
their instructions, and that their government 
therefore could not be pledged for ratification. 
Some of the articles proposed might have 
been admitted on a principle of compromise, 
but others were too highly disadvantageous ; 
and no sufficient provision was made against 
the principal source of the irritations and 
collisions which were constantly endangering 
the peace of the two nations. The question, 
therefore, whether atreaty should be accepted 
in that form could have admitted but of one 
decision, even had no declarations of the 
other party impaired our confidence in it. 
Still anxious not to close the door against 
friendly adjustment, new modifications were 
framed, and further concessions authoriged, 
than could before have been supposed neces- 
sary: and our ministers were instructed to 
resume their negociations on these grounds. 
On this new reference to amicable discussion 
we were reposing in confidence, when on the 
twenty-second day of June last, by a formal 
order from a British admiral, the frigate Ché- 
sapeake, leaving her port for a distant ser- 
vice, was attacked by one of those vessels 
which had been lying in our harbours’ under 
the indulgencies of hospitality, was disabled 
from proceeding, had several of her crew 
killed, and four taken away. On this out, 
State of Public Affairs in. December, 
503 
rage no com*entaries are necessary. Its cha 
racter has been pronounced by the indignang 
voice of our citizens, with an emphasis and 
unanimity never exceeded. I immediately, 
by procl» mation, interdicted our harbours and 
waters to all British armed-vessels, ferbade » 
intercourse with them, and, uncertain how 
far hostilities were intended, and the town of 
Norfolk indeed being threatened with imme- 
diate attack, a sufficient force was ordered for 
the protection of that place, and such other 
preparations commenced and pursued as the 
prospect rendered proper. An armed-vessel. 
of the United States was dispatched with in- 
structions to our ministers at London, to call 
on that Government ior the satisfactiun and 
security required by the outrage. A very 
short interval ought now to bring the answer, 
which shall be communicated to you as soon 
as received: then also, or as soon after as the 
public interests shall be found to admit, the 
unratified treaty, and proceedings relative to 
it, sha'l be made known to you. 
The aggression, thus began, has been ton- 
tinued on the part of the Britishcommanders, 
by remaining within -our waters in defiance 
of the authority of the country, by habitual 
violations of its jurisdiction, and at length by 
putting to death one of the persons whom 
they had forcibly taken from on-board the 
Chesapeake. These aggravations necessarily 
lead to the policy, either of never admitting 
an armed-yvessel into our harbours, or of 
maintaining in every harbour such an armed 
force as may Constrain obedience to the laws, 
and protect the lives and property of our ci- 
tigens against their armed guests. But the 
expence of such a standing force, and its in- 
consistence with our principles, dispense with 
those courtesies which would necessarily cali 
for it, and leave us equally free to exclude 
the navy, aS we are the army, of a foreign 
power from entering our limits. 
To former violations of maritime rights, 
another is now added of very extensive et- 
fect. The Government of that nation has 
issued an Order, interdicting all trade by 
neutrals between ports not in amity with 
them. And being now at war with nearly 
every nation on the Atlantic and Mediterra- 
nean Seas, our vessels are required to sacrifice 
their cargoes at the first port they touch, er 
to return home without the benefit of going 
to any other market. Under this new Jaw of 
the ocean, our trade on the Mediterranean 
has been swept away by seizures and con- 
demnations, and that in other seas is threat- 
ened with the same fate. , 
Our differences with Spain remain still un- 
settled; no measure having been taken on 
her part, since my last communications to 
Congress, to bring them toa close. But un- 
der a state of things which ‘may favour re- 
consideration, they have been recently press- 
ed, and an expectation is entertained that 
they may now soon be brought to an issue of 
some sost, With their subjects on our bor- 
ders 
