1810.] 
man’s power. As if belief, simply con- 
sidered, were not the most indifferent 
and insignificant of all possible things— 
as if truth and justice were not all in all, 
There is no power in nature, excepting 
that of relizious superstition, adequate 
to the incitement ef those enormous 
deeds of blood and cruelty, and devas- 
tation, under which the esrth has groan- 
ed; and not to the abuse, as it is hypo- 
critically pleaded, but to the mere use 
and adoption of that system, is the 
dread misfortune of the human race to 
be justly attributed. Superstition pleads 
her miracles, and with much truth. It 
can surely be nothing short of miracu- 
lous, that in. all times 
been found, men of the brightest intellect 
and largest share of general learning, 
ready to defend the greatest frauds and 
most palpable falsehoods—lberal men 
beside, who, referring you to the insipid 
and useless legends of purblind antiquity, 
will caution you with. much gravity to 
reject one piece of distraction, and at 
the next step enjoin you to the adoption 
of another. The aid of superstition, as 
its very name implies, has ever been 
totally superfluous and needless in the 
world; its customary place alone in the 
moral code, has assigned to it an impor- 
tance, to which it never possessed the 
smallest real claim. ; 
A very considerable portion, perhaps 
even a majority, of the most cultivated 
part of mankind, seppose that the peo- 
pie can really have na rights but- such 
as are conferred upon, and conceded to 
them, by the government, of whatever 
form, under which their lot has fallen, 
Of this opinion, professedly, was the late 
so highly celebrated Mr. Windham, if 
we may rely upon the authenticity of 
his speeches. It would be ridiculous to 
meet a sophistry so obvious and so vain, 
with laboured arguments. It is quite 
enough to reflect for a moment on the 
state in which mankind are left by sach 
@ position; nor can any theorem be 
more certain, thaa that if mankind do 
not possess natural rights, they can pos- 
sess no rights at all. There is another 
party at which I glanced in the begin- 
ning, which, with the words liberty and 
right everlastingly im their mouths, yet 
never scruple to make use of the legal 
or despotic arm, in favour of their par- 
ticular vicws. The defect arises from 
confused and unsettled ideas of the na- 
ture of right. 
The constituent body cannot safely 
part with even a shadow of power, be- 
with Politico-economical Reflections. 
hitherto have- 
127 
yond that which is necessary for cone 
ducting the machine of government, and 
should be especially cautious on the 
danger of certain analogies. Because 
the civil government is supposed to pos- 
sess the right of imposing taxes, it seems 
to be thence concluded, that it must 
necessarily also have a right to regulate 
and controul the whole property of the 
people: in such case, as under the Turk- 
ish government, the people can possess 
nothing independent of the state. This 
may at first sight appear overstrained, 
when applied to other states; but will 
be seen in a different light, when it is 
considered how great a part of the public 
property may be ingulphed by ingenious 
systems of multiplied taxation, by mo- 
nopolies, and by other well-known modes, 
in which a great number of the people 
may be actually deprived of their all. 
Indeed, it would be altogether incre- 
dible, considering its total incompatibility 
with liberty, and the discouragements 
and bars it opposes to general improve- 
ment, that any enlightened people should 
intrust their government with the powers 
of indirect or multiplied taxation, but 
that mankind have in this case been 
duped by the same species of arguments 
which have been used in proof of the 
necessity and benefit of religious super- 
sution. 
In forming a general judgment of this 
subject, namely the rights of-the people, 
and the duties of government, for go- 
vernments can possess no rights but 
merely those of delegation, several im- 
portant points claim a primary attention, 
In the first place, extreme cases must 
be noted only in the light of exceptions. 
No one would dispute the authority of 
the magistrate in destroying a house to 
prevent the spreading of fire, yet no 
general inference of authority can be 
drawn from such a case. Authority by 
inference or precedent, is a most pert. 
lous thing, and that of which every come 
munity ought to be mostjealous. Power 
has the natural faculty of selfpropagation 
and increase; and the compromise or. 
surrender of one right, 1s but entering 
upon a bargain for the loss of all. Did 
it at all consist with human freedom, 
from the complexity of the general af- 
fairs of mankind, their conduct could 
never be reguiated hy the civil govern- 
ment, nor the moral duties so enforced. 
This argument however was misplaced 
by Mr. Windham, in the debate on lord 
Erskine’s bill for the legal protection of 
Leasts, the unjust and cruel treatment 
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