424 On Mr. Fosbrooke’s Plan for Abolishing Poor's Rates. (Dec. 15 
from the plans he devises. Regular me- 
dicai wen are aware, that by hastily 
healing a diseased limb, they may en- 
danger the whole body; but an ewpiric 
‘will apply his nostrums to procure an 
apparent soundness at the hazard of the 
patient’s life. _ ; 
As “the knowledge of the danger of 
letting off projects” is not sufficient to 
deter men, any more than the know- 
Jedge of the danger of playing with gun- 
powder prevents boys, from letting off 
squibs and crackers: the project has 
been let off: I therefore beg permission 
to point out the funlitv of the plan, and 
the unsoundness of the reasoning em- 
ployed to support it. | 
“On the practicability of abolishing 
the poor’s-rates.”——The subject bespeaks 
attention; all who feel the burden of them 
rejoice at such a discovery; they who 
never reflected on the state of the poor 
become inguisitive; even avarice finds 
it may step forward to promote the dee 
sign of such benevolence without dimi- 
nishing its hoards. In a description of 
certain persons nearly two thousand 
years ago, it was said, ‘they bind heavy 
hurdens, and grievous to be borne, and 
Jay them on men’s shoulders, but they 
themselves will not move them with one 
of their fingers.” Persons of such dis- 
positions will perceive that, on Mr, Fos- 
brooke’s plan, they may be generous, 
yet give nothing; lay claim to gratitude 
without deserving it; and prove the in- 
struments of promoting human bappi- 
_ness, by depriving men of their rights, 
and the characteristic of their nature 
as intelligent beings. 
“The principle of legislation is to compel 
men to consult what is in fact their own 
good.” Itappears a curious coincidence, 
that the Rev. T. D. Fosbrooke’s plan, 
and Buonaparte’s decree respecting ser- 
vants, were communicated at the same 
time. The reverend gentleman and the 
French emperor, differ only as plants of 
the same species, reared in different 
soils; they determine for others wherein 
man’s own good consists, and then act 
on the principle of legislation to compel 
them to consult it. It matters not by 
whom the proposed plan is brought for- 
ward; itis French policy in an English 
disguise: the object is delusive, the plau- 
sibility deceptive, and the means pro- 
posed, irrational and degrading. 
The present administration is remark- 
able jor the number of lawyers which it 
Was associated in offices of state. Should 
such good fortune fall to the learned pros 
fessions in rotation, and the sons of 
Esculapius become prime ministers, se- 
cretaries, &c. it may seriously be appré- 
bended that on this favourite principle 
of legislation, the whole nation might be 
put on a spare diet, 
If the legislating doctors pronounce 
that one ounce and a half of meat, half 
a glass of wine, very little bread, and but 
a small measure of water, are, in legis« 
lative wisdom, for the people’s ewn good ¢ 
“‘ the principle of legislation is to compel: © 
them to consult it.” T should entertam 
no apprehensions under the present con- 
stitution of British government; bus 
the wurd compel alarms me. What do 
we witness—a plan already brought for- 
ward to act on a system of tyrannic vio¢ 
lence. If the subjects give an example 
of their disposition to arbitrary measures; 
the fabric of British liberty will be so uns 
dermined, that any lawless friend in the 
capacity of a premier, will be able to 
efiect its overthrow. 
Admit all the advantages that can be - 
allowed to benefit-clubs, (much depends 
on their regulations), the proposed di- 
rection of the principle of legislation is to 
compel all those who might possibly be- 
come paupers to enter themselves as 
members of those associations: the pro- 
position tends to introduce a vexatious 
interference with private conduct, sub- 
versive of that manly spirit of indepen- 
dence which has exalted the name of 
Briton, and will ever prove the best safe- 
guard against the invasion of a foreign 
enemy, or the usurpation of a domestic 
tyrant. 
The opulent landholder is to give 
notiee, that is, to command his tenants to 
employ no one who has not enrolled him= 
self in the benefit society. The manu- 
facturer is to refuse employment to any 
workman who is not so registered. Day- 
labourers, unmarried men, and servant- 
maids, are by the same detestable prin- 
ciple, to be “compelled to seek their 
own good.” Shallow policy! Who does 
not perceive that whilst men breathe the 
air of liberty, they will spurn at such @ 
proposition? Suppose them to be dis 
missed from service, for instance, in Mr, 
Fosbrooke’s own parish, they will be 
compelled to consult their awn good, by 
removal to another: will he also legis- 
late te compel them to leave their know- 
ledge of the manufacture, &c. behind? 
Sappese the plan partially adopted; it 
would drive manufacturers, li P= 
é [Se 
